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		<description><![CDATA[ Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription, Anique Hommels, Unbuilding Cities: Obduracy in Urban Socio-Technical Change. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2005.
While sharing a common intellectual genealogy, the contemporary disciplines of science and technology studies (STS) and urban studies have followed divergent paths of development, and flourished in largely separated academic compartments. Anique Hommelsâ€™s Unbuilding the City argues [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p> <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, Anique Hommels, <em>Unbuilding Cities: Obduracy in Urban Socio-Technical Change.</em> Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2005.</p>
<p>While sharing a common intellectual genealogy, the contemporary disciplines of science and technology studies (STS) and urban studies have followed divergent paths of development, and flourished in largely separated academic compartments. Anique Hommelsâ€™s <em>Unbuilding the City</em> argues for the complementarity of the approaches of STS and urban studies in explaining the phenomenon of urban â€œobduracyâ€ and strategies for â€œunbuildingâ€ the city. Linking together the concepts drawn from actor-network theory and constructivist studies of socio-technical change, the book contains three case studies of postwar urban development in the Dutch cities of Utrecht, Maastricht and Amsterdam.</p>
<p>How can we understand urban structures as more than simple technical or physical artifacts. How can we explain the history of cities and their power relations as socio-technical ensembles, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. Does the urban built environment embed the tacit knowledge of its original planners and builders, such that their norms and values continue to shape the relations of city-dwellers in subsequent generations. In a well-known essay on the question â€œdo artifacts have politics?â€, <b>Rabatt kaufen zithromax(Azithromycin)</b>, Langdon Winner has cited the example of the low-lying bridges designed by planner Robert Moses in New York, whose passages were too low to permit movement by public <span lang="en-GB">buses</span> between the freeways and beaches of Long Island. Mosesâ€™ bridges prevented access to these elite white spaces of recreation by inner-city black populations, thus inscribing a permanent spatial discrimination into the design of seemingly apolitical technical artifact.</p>
<p>Urban structures are quite literally path-dependent, in that once they are built, they become a deep structure both underlying and directing the activities of subsequent generations.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, The built environment of cities both constrains and enables the activities and lives of its inhabitants and users, channeling and directing people into abstract patterns of residence, exchange and transport on the one hand, while the social spaces of the neighbourhood, market and transit hubs provide resources for social organisation and reproduction on the other hand. However, the urban fabric is itself subject to negotiation and contestation through business-entrepreneurial projects of profit-making and asset-stripping through spatial restructuring, social movements of citizens to protect and expand the rights to collective consumption and social reproduction, <b>Um zithromax(Azithromycin) online</b>, and state initiatives aimed at environmental protection and social engineering through the planning and design of public spaces and infrastructure. It is in this context that the urban built environment as socio-technical ensemble exercises its peculiar structuring effects on technological development, politics and everyday life in the city. Artifacts become instruments of power while power relations are materialised in artifacts (Winner; cf. Bijker, 4).</p>
<p>The phenomenon of â€œobduracyâ€ therefore opens a fascinating set of reflections on how we can use the city both as a symbolic metaphor and material site for understanding the social relations of technology, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. Breaking down the functionalist sociology of urban planning practice, Hommels attempts to bring the theoretical toolbox of STS to bear on explaining the stubborn persistence of postwar urban structures after the fact of their emergence as stable, non-malleable structures in complex networks of social and technical actors in Dutch cities. The book is neatly divided into five chapters â€“ introductory and concluding sections introduce and assess theoretical approaches from STS and urban studies, and three case studies in-between these chapters explain the phenomenon of urban obduracy in the postwar history of a shopping mall and transit hub in downtown Utrecht, an urban highway which divides the city of Maastricht, <b>New Mexico NM N.Mex. </b>, and a large housing estate in the suburbs of Amsterdam. These three artifacts are stabilised through postwar modernist reconstruction of Dutch cities, obstructing subsequent efforts at their â€œunbuildingâ€ or appropriation into efforts by business elites, state planners, and coalitions of users and citizens at their flexible redesign and redevelopment. Each of Hommelsâ€™ studies relates the crisis posed by the obduracy of these structures whose history of occupation and use belied the lofty intentions of their postwar planners.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, The designs of the Hoog Catherine mall in Utrecht and the Bijlermeer estate in Amsterdam â€“ based on the modernist ideal of separation of functions â€“ harboured criminals, drug-users and homeless populations, and quickly decayed both physically and socially. The highway built through the centre of Maastricht posed innumerable problems of traffic, air and noise pollution, and circulation, prompting various efforts to divert it around the city, <b>Comprare zithromax(Azithromycin) sconto</b>, or push it into an underground tunnel. In each of these three cases, efforts at â€œunbuildingâ€ these sites remained the subject of drawn-out, piecemeal and often unsuccessful efforts by various actors to confront their obduracy decades after their insertion into the urban socio-technical ensemble. Hommels offers the ideas of â€œembeddednessâ€, â€œtechnological framesâ€, and â€œpersistent traditionsâ€ from social constructivism to explain the obduracy of the shopping mall, highway, and housing estate respectively.</p>
<p>While these explanations summarise the case studies, the concepts of â€œobduracyâ€ and â€œunbuildingâ€ theoretically unify the work, and are both drawn from the STS tradition â€“ though the former plays a much larger role in the argument than the latter (see below) for Hommels, <b>buy zithromax(Azithromycin) without prescription</b>. â€œObduracyâ€ is how Wiebe Bijker characterises the closure which results in the stabilization of artifacts in a social context, when dominant groupsâ€™ particular frame of meaning and operation of a technology achieves closure and â€œhardnessâ€, subsequently resisting interpretive flexibility and social-political change (Bijker 283), <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. â€œThe obduracy of technology offers one way to gain understanding of the role of power in the mutual shaping of technology and scienceâ€ and the shift from an understanding of <em>artifacts</em> to <em>ensembles</em> signifies for Bijker the shift from an understanding of â€œsocietyâ€ and â€œtechnologyâ€ as separate objects of inquiry towards the â€œseamless webâ€ of socio-technical ensembles as the proper object of STS research (ibid., 4-12). To answer Winnerâ€™s questions, artifacts as ensembles do indeed have a politics, and their obduracy â€œconstitutes the semiotics of power, and it is within this semiotic structure that the micropolitics of power are stagedâ€ (ibid., 286). Hommelsâ€™ study of urban structures largely concerned with this micro-politics of urban technological development in the postwar Netherlands.</p>
<p>Strangely for a book which so clearly advertises its intention to draw on both STS and urban studies, the author fails to consider (or rejects) alternative explanations for â€œobduracyâ€ in the influential literature on urban restructuring.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, David Harveyâ€™s historical geography explains the obduracy of urban structures as the legacy of â€œsunken capitalâ€ in the built environment.  <b>Maine ME Me. </b>, In this approach, urban infrastructure and housing production are a â€œsinkâ€ for  speculative capital accumulation during lean times, and once â€œsunkenâ€ they set the stage for further accumulation in periods of expansion, constraining future physical developments and capitalist strategies along well-worn paths. Manuel Castells pioneered an approach to social movements for the rights to housing, education, and environment, the mechanisms of social reproduction. Hommelsâ€™s studies of a shopping complex, city highway and public housing estate are classic sites of collective consumption by urban social groups. In Castellsâ€™ understanding of social movements and the city, the obduracy of urban structures is explained not with reference to the strategies of elites to unbuild these sites, <b>North Carolina NC N.C. </b>, but as seeing them as spaces for the everyday struggles of people to reproduce their social spaces. Castellsâ€™ later work on network society would situate the obduracy of urban structures and the character of socio-technical change as the antagonism between the <em>space of flows </em>and the <em>space of places</em>, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>.</p>
<p>The neglect of these approaches from neo- and post-Marxist urbanism in explaining the obduracy of urban structures is a major lacuna in the book both analytically, as well as in terms of the plea for an alliance between STS and urban studies. While Hommels acknowledges these familiar tools of the urbanist in her theoretical discussions of obduracy and unbuilding (Hommels 18, 179), they do not feature in the analysis. The unfortunate result of her over-reliance on actor-network theory and social-constructivism in is a <span style="font-style: normal">reification of the city as subject, where â€œthe cityâ€ is meant to stand in as the subject of various efforts by social groups at rebuilding obdurate structures</span>. While acknowledging the plurality of contending interests and political alliances both inside and outside the state, Hommelsâ€™ rush to formalise these claims into a discourse on obduracy reduces the richness and complexity of the questions around politics, <b>Buy zithromax(Azithromycin) cheap</b>, business, environment and the state, which these structures persistently incite.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, The categorical rejection of structural theories which relate urban change to structural theories of capitalism as â€œmonocausalâ€ (Hommels, 18) at the outset hobbles any attempt to locate â€œobduracyâ€ and â€œunbuildingâ€ beyond the local or regional contexts in the Netherlands, limiting the comparative value of these studies in the postwar transformation of urban political economies globally.</p>
<p>While the work eschews the urban studies tools of historical geography, sociology and political economy, a similar criticism may be levelled at the work in its treatment of urban history. While the origins of the shopping complex, highway and public housing estates in the case studies are briefly recounted, one wonders whether what requires explaining is not just the contemporary phenomenon of obduracy, but the malleability and interpretive flexibility of these structures. This history is only partially accounted for in the book, which explicitly focusses on strategies of â€œunbuildingâ€ these artifacts once they have stabilised as elements in an urban socio-technical ensembles, <b>Missouri MO Mo. </b>. In each of the sites, the structures were designed and constructed along modernist principles of functional separation and egalitarian design, through large-scale state-sponsored postwar engineering projects. Hommelsâ€™s use of â€œpersistent traditionsâ€ to explain the obduracy of the Beljmermeer housing estate and various efforts to redevelop it after the perceived failure of its original plan, locates its obduracy in the design principles of modernist planning, which structured the various responses to Beljmermeerâ€™s social problems, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. In contrast, unbuilding strategies attempted to modify these structures accorded to postmodern principles of mixing of functions and differentiation of forms, with limited success. A greater effort to situate the case studies in the history of planning and the state in the Netherlands would have widened the scope of the argument and enhanced the idea of obduracy as one of the primary dilemmas of postmodern urbanism.</p>
<p>While Hommelsâ€™ work fails the test a critical-historical urbanism, what is perhaps more surprising is its similarly slipshod treatment of concepts from the STS tradition, to which the author is more directly affiliated.  <b>Kopen goedkope zithromax(Azithromycin)</b>, Indeed the self-consciousness with which Hommels â€œappliesâ€ concepts to her empirical case studies in the effort to explain the changing urban environment undermines her effort at mining her sites to demonstrate the validity of her concepts.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, The limitations of this kind of applied theory approach are frankly acknowledged by Hommels in the concluding chapter, which labours to link together the three case studies, assess the explanatory value of their concepts, and tie them together in a wider theory of urban obduracy and unbuilding strategies. Hommels describes urban sites and structures subject to â€œunbuildingâ€ as â€œlocations or elements of cities that are disputed or contested, or [...] included in redesign plans. The â€˜obduracyâ€™ of urban structures is â€˜testedâ€™ in efforts to â€˜unbuildâ€™ them.â€ (Hommels 11, cf. 186-187) Hommels says that the concept of â€œunbuildingâ€ is inspired by MacKenzie and Spinardiâ€™s notion of the â€œuninventionâ€ of nuclear weapons (MacKenzie and Spinardi, 199). Arguing that the conventional idea that such technologies cannot be â€œuninventedâ€ is based on a cumulative and linear notion of technological development, MacKenzie and Spinardi claimed that if design ceases, through a loss of the tacit knowledge implicit in continuing production, nuclear weapons will have been uninvented. An important consequence of this argument is that technologies are constantly being reinvented, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. However it is unclear how Hommels seeks to adopt this argument as regards urban structures and the built environment, <b>Kaufen zithromax(Azithromycin)</b>, which are also constantly subject to uninvention and reinvention by planners, developers and citizens. Sadly for the concept which gives the book its title <em>Unbuilding Cities</em>, this idea is picked out of the STS toolbox without much reflection on how it elucidates the main argument about obduracy or urban socio-technical change.</p>
<p>The book begins and concludes with the plea for a complementary of approaches in STS and urban studies, situating the study of cities and â€œurban sociotechnologyâ€ in both research traditions, and arguing for their shared understanding of the city as a socio-technical ensemble. Hommelsâ€™ debt to her teacher Wiebe Bijker in providing both the analytical model as well as key explanatory concepts in her study is obvious.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, However, the neologisms with which the book is studded are nearly incomprehensible without reference to Bijkerâ€™s work on bicycles, bakelight, and fluorescent lighting. Indeed <em>Unbuilding Cities</em> closely follows the structure that work, down to its sequence of five chapters (two â€œtheoreticalâ€ and three â€œempiricalâ€), <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) online legally</b>, as well as faithfully reproducing its concepts and conclusions â€“ though on the basis of very different material histories of technology and semiotics of the artifact. What is new and original about the work is the promise of an interdisciplinary approach to cities from which both STS and urban studies may gain, and which is shown in the work of Harvey, Castells, Lewis Mumford, William Cronon, and others whose concerns and insights inform the work of contemporary scholars in both STS and urban studies.</p>
<p><strong>References</strong><br />
<ul><br />
	<li><br />
<p align="justify"><span style="font-style: normal">Wiebe Bijker, 	<em>Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of 	Sociotechnical Change. </em>Cambridge, <b>zithromax(Azithromycin) online kopen</b>, Mass: MIT Press, 1995. </span></p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p align="justify">Manuel Castells, <em>The City and the 	Grassroots: A Cross-cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements</em>, <b>order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>. 	Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983.</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p style="font-style: normal" align="justify">â€“â€“â€“ and Ida 	Susser, ed., <em>The Castells Reader on Cities and Social Theory</em>. 	London: Blackwell, 2002.</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p style="font-style: normal" align="justify">David Harvey. <em>The 	Urbanization of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of 	Capitalist Urbanization. </em>Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 	Press, <b>Köpa zithromax(Azithromycin)</b>, 1985.</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p align="justify">Anique Hommels, â€œSTS and the Cityâ€, book 	review in <em>Social Studies of Science </em>Vol.  <b>Order zithromax(Azithromycin) no prescription</b>, 33, No. 6, pp. 	945-950.</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p align="justify">â€“â€“â€“<span style="font-style: normal">, 	<em>Unbuilding Cities: Obduracy in Urban Socio-Technical Change. </em>Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 2005.</span></p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p style="font-style: normal" align="justify">â€“â€“â€“, â€œStudying 	Obduracy in the City: Toward a Productive Fusion between Technology 	Studies and Urban Studiesâ€, <em>Science, <b>buy zithromax(Azithromycin) online legally</b>, Technology &amp; Human 	Values</em>, Vol. 30, No. 3 (2005), pp.323-351</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p style="font-style: normal" align="justify">Donald MacKenzie and 	Graham Spinardi, â€œTacit Knowledge, Weapons Design, and the 	â€˜Uninventionâ€™ of Nuclear Weaponsâ€, <em>American Journal of 	Sociology </em>101 (1995), pp.44-99.</p><br />
</li><br />
	<li><br />
<p style="font-style: normal" align="justify">Langdon Winner, â€œDo 	Artifacts Have Politics?â€ in <em>Daedalus</em>, vol. 109, no.1 	(Winter 1980), pp.121-136 (reprinted in Donald McKenzie and Judy 	Wajcman, eds., <em>The Social Shaping of Technology, </em>Philadelphia: 	Open University Press, 1999)</p><br />
</li><br />
</ul>.</p>
<p></p>
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		<link>http://heptanesia.net/2006/12/10/history-of-computing/</link>
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		<description><![CDATA[ Purchase cheap stromectol, In my own lifetime of thirty years, global society has been transformed by the widespread availability of inexpensive computing technology.  Indeed, only within the past ten years, a new combination of commoditised hardware, software, and network infrastructure has put this technology within reach of millions of new people, buy praziquantel. [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p> <b>Purchase cheap stromectol</b>, In my own lifetime of thirty years, global society has been transformed by the widespread availability of inexpensive computing technology.  Indeed, only within the past ten years, a new combination of commoditised hardware, software, and network infrastructure has put this technology within reach of millions of new people, <b>buy praziquantel</b>. A certain taint of presentism is, therefore, inevitable in any attempt to write the history of â€œcomputingâ€ in our time, as we are positioned at a particular point in a dynamic of ongoing social and technical change.  <b>Stromectol 3 mg</b>, As with earlier historians of the â€œindustrial revolutionâ€, we must assess the historicity of the â€œinformationâ€ or â€œdigital revolutionâ€ both as historical narratives and popular common sense. This presentism presents particular challenges to the historian in his or her craft of framing a coherent narrative of technological development. Here I will consider different approaches to the history of computing which confront both the the familiar challenges of a historian of technology, as well as the unique aspects of computing as an object of historical inquiry, <b>purchase cheap stromectol</b>.</p>
<p>In the introduction to his <em>A History of Modern Computing</em>, Paul Ceruzzi discusses two distinct approaches to the history of computing, what he calls the technological systems approach and the social constructionist approach, <b>buy cheap generic stromectol online</b>. What are the objects of inquiry of these two approaches. Derived from Thomas P. Hughes landmark study of large technological systems, a â€œsystems approachâ€ must emphasise the connectivity and interdependency of an entire industrial ecology on which modern computing practices depends for its effective technical operation and social organisation.  <b>Purchase cheap stromectol</b>, Much like earlier large systems such as electrical industry, public utilities and power grids, or the automobile, steel and petroleum industries and the transport network,  with computing the systems approach must account for today's far-flung sites of hardware manufacturing, each of which its own scale and mode of organisation for semiconductors, chipsets, motherboards, displays, peripherals, and how this process Such an approach must also account for the global network of metropolitan and offshore software production which has become the mainstay of present-day capitalism based on finance, insurance, banking and other information services, as well as a vibrant consumer market for commoditised personal hardware and software.  <b>Topical ivermectin</b>, Here our focus is not so much on the â€œcomputerâ€ as a simple object to â€œcomputingâ€ as a complex system.</p>
<p>If large technological systems are the object of historical inquiry, it will be evident to the historian that their scale and complexity escapes the efforts of individuals and social groups to master them. Hughes' systems approach to the history of technology is a narrative of the displacement of individual inventors and technologists in their workshops, by scientific researchers and experts in corporate and state-sponsored laboratories. The locus of socio-technical change is now with these large bureaucratic and military structures, <b>ivermectin for horses</b>, and not with entreprising and heroic individuals making new discoveries. The systems themselves structure social relations, until such time as the system is superseded or rendered obsolescent by a new technology, <b>purchase cheap stromectol</b>. These moments become the real ruptures in the systems narrative, the technical â€œbreakthroughsâ€ in  inventions such as the silicon chip, the integrated circuit, <b>Purchase generic stromectol online</b>, and the microprocessor. This form of history has a peculiar way of describing the development of technology, focussing its efforts on documenting the technical problems of storage and transmission, processing and speed to which these inventions were a response, and giving a privileged place in the narrative to those individuals and institutions who could overcome these systemic problems. Ceruzzi states it clearly that this approach â€œdescribe[s] computing's history as a series of technical problems met by engineering solutions that in hindsight seem natural and obviousâ€, <b>stromectol online purchase</b>. Individual and collective agency is assimilated to the needs of the system, and only given significance by the extent to which the system advances through these diffuse efforts.  <b>Purchase cheap stromectol</b>, It is in this sense that large systems constitute â€œstructuresâ€ which effect the relations of the parts to the whole, of fragments to the totality.</p>
<p>As opposed to the systems approach, what Ceruzzi calls the â€œsocial constructionistâ€ approach emphasises the social context of and political negotiations over the development of computing, <b>Stromectol merck</b>, in that technological development takes place within social relations and is subject to the struggles and contradictions dominant in any social formation. The best example of this approach in an academic genre is in Donald MacKenzie's work on missile guidance and targetting systems. Ceruzzi suggests that most academic histories of computing, however, ignore this approach in favour of the systems approach. Popular histories, <b>ivomec oral</b>, on the other hand, inexplicitly adopt a social constructionist approach in their focus on the social and political values underlying the rise of personal computing. These heroic narratives, which begin the garages and workshops of Silicon Valley teenage entrepreneurs and hackers, and culminate in the rise of personal computer companies such as Apple Computer and Microsoft, became common-sense household myths in the nineties, propelled by the speculative mania of the first dot-com boom and sustained by magazines such as<em> Wired</em>, <b>purchase cheap stromectol</b>.</p>
<p>The problem with this popular social constructionist approach is not only, as Ceruzzi points out, <b>Order stromectol</b>, that it ignores the advances in solid-state electronics and the presence of large defence contractors in Silicon Valley, which formed the backdrop for the activities of groups of California hobbyists and entrepreneurs in the seventies, when the personal computer was born. The problem is also that hackers were not hippies. The sixties counterculture was unambiguous in its rejection of the â€œsystemâ€ and the â€œmachineâ€, a totalising metaphor for the domination of social life by the dead labour and mechanical routines of mass production, <b>order generic stromectol</b>. Technological innovation often takes place in the competition and antagonism of social groups, and the story of the mass computing â€œrevolutionâ€ in the eighties and nineties must account for these contraductions.  <b>Purchase cheap stromectol</b>, The combination of the countercultural idealism of the sixties with the marketing of personal computers in the eighties and nineties has produced a powerful myth that sees a direct line from the streets of Haight-Ashbury and fields of Woodstock in the sixtis, to the garages and start-up shops of Silicon Valley in the seventies, to millions of computer desktops across the world in the eighties and nineties. This is a powerful and seductive mythology that defeats efforts to understand the social antagonisms and struggles that defined the form of contemporary computing.</p>
<p>Situating the development of computing technologies in the social struggles of our time attempts to separate the social and technical aspects of technological change, <b>Buy generic stromectol</b>, and assign a primacy to the social, arguing that the technical is an expression of the social. Some of the most critical relationships in the history of computing, as Ceruzzi suggests, are relations between entrepreneurs and inventors, and the popular mythology obscures the contingent outcomes of the negotiation between these groups in the development of actually existing computing, <b>stromectol canada</b>. It is in this sense that we can refer to socio-technical formations as the object of inquiry of the â€œsocial constructionist approachâ€ to the history of computing, whereas the â€œsystems approachâ€ emphasises the complex interdependencies and relations of diverse â€œpartsâ€ and to the â€œwholeâ€ of computing as a technological system.</p>
<p>So far it seems as if the challenges in history of computing follow the well-worn debates between the relative primacy of structure and agency in historical representation, <b>purchase cheap stromectol</b>. What are the implications of these two approaches for writing this history, and what aspects of the history of computing depart from the familar questions of structure and agency, <b>Order stromectol uk</b>, determinism and autonomy. Computers are both fungible commodities as well as self-contained factories. Software is both a set of instructions (code) and a mode of social organisation. These peculiar characteristics of the modern computer assume significance in both the systems approach and the social constructionist approaches, with consequences for our understanding of structure and agency in historiography.  <b>Purchase cheap stromectol</b>, A good history of computing needs to both see computing as a technological system as well as a social formation, and must borrow from both historical traditions of writing about the origins and growth of technology. Fortunately, <b>ivermectin for mange</b>, we have a broadly accepted periodisation of the early history of computing, organised around distinct shifts in the nature of computing as both technical object and social practice. These would be, firstly, the early era of mainframe computing originating in the second world war and until the early sixties; secondly the era of networked minicomputers from the early sixties to the mid-seventies; thirdly the era of personal computing, from the late-seventies to the early nineties. I want to posit that within this sequence of stages, that we identify our contemporary moment as one of â€œsocial computingâ€. By social computing I wish to draw attention to  the combination of aspects of the second and third stages identified above, the eras of networked and personal computing, with the advent of the public internet in the early nineties. This led to a rapid dissemination of networked computing amongst the earlier generation of personal computer users, mostly in North America, East Asia, and Western Europe, as well as a even larger number of completely new users who had never set hands on a computer before the commercialisation of the internet in the mid-nineties. It is with the advent of social computing that the public inquiry into the origins of computing â€“ another way of describing the â€œhistory of computingâ€ â€“ assumes importance as an intellectual problem.</p>
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		<description><![CDATA[ Avelox 500 mg, In the writing of nationalist histories of the United States, it is difficult to find a more succinct statement of space as an organising metaphor of nationhood than the â€œfrontier thesisâ€ of Frederick Jackson Turner. In his famous address of 1893 to the American Historical Association meeting during the World Columbian [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p> <b>Avelox 500 mg</b>, In the writing of nationalist histories of the United States, it is difficult to find a more succinct statement of <em>space </em>as an organising metaphor of nationhood than the â€œfrontier thesisâ€ of Frederick Jackson Turner. In his famous address of 1893 to the American Historical Association meeting during the World Columbian Exposition in Chicago, Turner marked the end of the â€œfirst periodâ€ of American history and the â€œclosure of the frontierâ€ through the successful expansion of the United States through warfare, colonial land purchases, and the spread of new networks of railways, cities, <b>Avelox 400 mg tabs</b>, and homesteads across the North American continent in the nineteenth century. Here I consider two contemporary histories of space in the early modern United States, Leo Marx's <em>The Machine in the Garden: Technology at the Pastoral Ideal in America</em> and William Cronon's <em>Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and Great West</em>. Read together, the work of Marx and Cronon present us with a critical counterpoint to Turner's celebratory narrative of the frontier as the fulfillment of American manifest destiny. Cronon's historical geography of commodity markets in Chicago and the Great West, and Marx's literary history of the â€œpastoral idealâ€ in America, <b>avelox 400 mg price</b>, suggest a two-pronged analytical approach to the historical imagination of space in capitalist societies.</p>
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<p>Where Turner offers us an ideological narrative of an essential American nationhood unfolding across the continent, Cronon challenges us to rethink the frontier thesis dialectically in relations between what he calls â€œfirstâ€ and â€œsecondâ€ natures, <b>avelox 500 mg</b>. For Cronon, the frontier is both the the advancing column of an expansionary American capitalism which obliterated the nomadic native society with its own ecology of farming, hunting, and living; <em>as well as</em> the expanding horizon of commodity production in the farms, <b>Avelox 400 mg tablet sch</b>, fields and forests which supplied the national markets centralised in the emerging metropolis of Chicago, the â€œgatewayâ€ city to the Great West. â€œFirst natureâ€ signifies the natural geography of the midwestern prairies and forests and herds of wild animals in the urban hinterland, whereas â€œsecond natureâ€ signifies the human geography of commodity markets, technological innovations and capitalist circuits of exchange and accumulation centered in the metropolis. Thus, for Cronon, <b>avelox 400 mg moxifloxacin</b>, the â€œfrontierâ€ represents the limits of the bourgeosie's attempt to organise production spatially, in its power to abstract value from the products of the land, and alienate a â€œsecond natureâ€ amenable to commodification from the â€œfirst natureâ€ presented by the wild and untamed frontier. In this dialectical sense of the frontier thesis, we see the warfare and destruction visited on the native population and ecology, <b>Avelox abc pack</b>, as well as the expansion and production of new markets for the settler society of nineteenth century America, as part of the same historical moment.  <b>Avelox 500 mg</b>, A powerful insight in Cronon's history of nineteenth century Chicago is his extension of this dialectical understanding of first and second nature to his history of the modern capitalist â€œcityâ€, which is in a similarly dialectical relationship to the â€œcountryâ€. In Cronon's formulation, the metropolitan environment and economic institutions of the city Chicago are a product of the reciprocal relations between urban markets and rural commodity flows, and the â€œcityâ€ is as inseparable from the â€œcountrysideâ€ as is â€œfirst natureâ€ from â€œsecond natureâ€. The grain, meat and timber of the prairies and fields of the frontier are subsumed into market economies centered on large industrial cities, <b>avelox abc</b>, and subordinated to the centralising logic of railway networks, commodity markets, and other technologies emanating from Chicago and New York, through which the natural environment is transformed into an urban market. The production of grain, <b>Side effects of ibuprofen 400mg</b>, timber and meat turns agriculture into circuits of capital accumulation, with these now fungible commodities detached from their organic contexts, and represented as abstract instruments tradable across space and time.</p>
<p>Whereas in European history, the <em>land</em> is usually understood as the site of premodern values and feudal relations, in the United States, the three primary factors of industrial production  -- land, <b>avelox 400 mg tablets</b>, labour and capital â€“ are reorganised in a unprecedented and exceptional historical situation. Karl Polanyi, in <em>The Great Transformation</em>, offers a framework for understanding the transition to market economies and the formation of classes, <b>avelox 500 mg</b>. The return on land<em> </em>is <em>rent</em>; the return on labour are <em>wages</em>; and the return on capital is <em>interest</em>. In turn, each of these factors is owned by a distinct class: the <em>aristocracy</em>, deriving rents from the ownership of land; the <em>proletariat</em>, <b>Avelox 400 mg uses</b>, who make wages from their labour power; and finally the <em>bourgeoisie</em>, who make money from their control of capital. We can thus begin to analyse the conditions which make nineteenth century America exceptional in the history of market societies. The absence of a landed aristocracy with strong rent-seeking interests, the wholesale destruction of native society by the settlers and the state, the relative scarcity of labour versus the relative plenitude of land, fundementally reorient the narrative of industrial capitalism in America, <b>avelox 400 mg tabs</b>.  <b>Avelox 500 mg</b>, Leo Marx's history of the â€œpastoral idealâ€ in American literature accounts for these divergences in the history of American capitalism as understood by Polanyi and Karl Marx, as well as the dialectical relations between first and second nature, country and city, and frontier and the nation, as described by Cronon. For Leo Marx, the pastoral ideal signifies the â€œreciprocal relation between canonical literature, popular culture, and a putative collective consciousnessâ€ and he reads the classics of early modern American literature as a series of â€œpastoral fablesâ€ which attempt to reconcile the class relations of a frontier-industrial society with a timeless image of a harmonious garden, the â€œideal of the middle landscapeâ€.  <b>Buy avelox online</b>, Thus while American and European capitalism shared many common structures and beliefs, the bourgeois citizen in America was markedly different from his British or European counterpart â€“ the rugged versus the romantic individual â€“ and the unique class formation of a frontier society of continental dimensions engendered a new politics of culture organised around the pastoral ideal. Notably in America, the critique of the erosion of artisanal craftsmanship and aristocratic aesthetics by machine civilisation undertaken by the Romantics was not nearly as influential as in England, where the romantic critique retained a cultural power due to the persistence of the land-owning aristocracy within bourgeois market society. In America, while land was also seen as a powerful symbolic repository of value by writers and intellectuals, <b>avelox 400</b>, land as an aesthetic object was subject to improvement by modern machinery by individual frontiersmen and settlers, without the feudal obstacles of a rent-seeking aristocracy or a shortage of land for large-scale industrialised agriculture.</p>
<p>The transformation of a primitive wilderness into an ordered garden through improving technologies was constitutive of the frontier ideologies of American â€œmanifest destinyâ€ and â€œrugged individualismâ€ through the pastoral ideal, <b>avelox 500 mg</b>. While the cultural image of the rural idyll enabled this new kind of industrial revolution in America, Cronon reminds us that the technology to improve the land, and the markets for their produce, <b>Avelox 500 mg</b>, were bought and sold in the cities. The evocative image of the â€œmachine in the gardenâ€ to which Marx returns throughout his explorations of Thoreau, Hawthorne, Twain, Melville, and other popular American writers of the nineteenth century, is variously invoked as the sound of the railway in through a wild forest, <b>avelox 400 mg side effects</b>, or the piloting of a steamboat down a great river. The machine in the garden interrupts the quiet rural garden with noisy urban machines, a dialectical negotiation of the incursion of modern technology into the frontier environment, unifying  â€œsociety, landscape and mindâ€ through by their â€œremoval from the literary mode and [application] to realityâ€.  <b>Avelox tab 400mg</b>, In this sense, the pastoral ideal is the symbolic negotiation of the frontier dialectic. The work of Marx and Cronon helps us to account for the eruption of the unique historical conditions of industrial capitalism in America â€“ identified as first and second nature, country and city, frontier and nation, and garden and machine â€“ and their resolution in the production of the modern capitalist metropolis through the frontier ideology of the pastoral ideal.</p>
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