Mill’s as Public Spaces: Mumbai’s Industrial Heritage

In Mumbai, public awareness of urban arts and heritage has experienced a significant revival in the past ten years — in the same historical moment when manufacturing industries have closed and factories emptied throughout Greater Mumbai. Heritage discourse and conservation practice have only implicitly acknowledged this economic context. Since the Bombay Textile Strike of 1982–3, entire working-class communities across the city have been retrenched and dispersed — in the Mill and Dock Lands of central Mumbai, the chemical and engineering factories and industrial estates in suburban Mumbai, and across the Metropolitan Region. With job losses going into tens of lakhs, and uncertain growth prospects for Mumbai, several years ago the media and civic elite began speaking of the “death of the city” they once knew, whereas planners and academics eagerly awaited the birth of a new “global city”. However one described this restructuring of the city’s economy, it is clear that manufacturing has declined in value compared to the new service industries, not just in Mumbai but in big cities throughout the world. The post-industrial landscapes of London’s Docklands and New York’s Lower Manhattan are oft-cited symbols of this change — monstrous, gleaming high-rise districts dominated by banking, finance, and white-collar services. In today’s urban economy, the making and marketing of immaterial signs has replaced the production of durable goods as the primary circuit of wealth creation.

The concepts and practices of cultural heritage, architectural conservation, and public arts, (whether they realise it or not) are enmeshed in this new economy of image production. While buildings are still very much made of brick and mortar (or steel and RCC), the production of images of the urban built environment is one of the intangible, high-value commodities of the global city. Whether in the space-age absurdity of Hafeez Contractor’s garden city in Powai, or the sepia-tinted romanticism of the South Bombay heritage enthusiasts, the value of a building has less to do with its physical qualities than its iconic presence as an object of consumption. So it is not difficult to explain the phenomenal growth of concepts and practices of heritage conservation in Mumbai. The scarcity of fresh land and exhaustion of new sites to build in Mumbai has forced many architects to refashion their practice around conservation of existing buildings, rather than construction of new ones. Today the city skyline is commanded by towering skyscrapers, not by smoking chimneys — the closure of factories in the eighties and nineties was paralleled by the rise of the construction industry, and allied sectors in finance, banking, real estate and retail. Builders, and not mill-owners or industrialists, are the kingpins of today’s global city — and architecture, arts, and cultural practice must reflect this new order. Heritage is, quite plainly, a smart way of boosting real estate values for high-end consumption, and of turning downmarket areas into upmarket ones.

Cultural practices such as the arts and architecture should seek to illuminate social and historical change, rather than mystify it, providing an imagery and language for us to discuss and reflect on our fast-changing society. But as heritage has increased in public consciousness and visibility — through legislation and protection of listed buildings, the organisation of new city arts festivals, and an outpouring of romantic cultural representations from coffee table books to films and other media — workers and manufacturing have been obscured from public view and memory. Until now, urban heritage has been almost exclusively about the colonial city — protecting its built fabric and rendering visible its monumental signs — reinvigorating civic pride through historical nostalgia. Heritage has primarily been addressed to the colonial city, and not about the industrial city. We now need to chart a shift in the focus of urban conservationists, arts and heritage enthusiasts, and the public, from the monuments and signs of the colonial period to illuminating this hidden Other of the picture postcards and coffee-table representations — the people, machines and places that produced the twentieth-century industrial metropolis of Mumbai. The task of historically informed conservation practice is in rendering visible the history of the industrial city which has been extinguished by factory closures and the flight of manufacturing, as well as the new “global city” which is developing around economies of services, information and culture.

Over the past ten years, different groups of architects, historians, activists and media practitioners have been documenting the city’s post-industrial landscapes in the Mill Lands of Central Mumbai. Public debates on the Mill Lands have for many years been polarised between the trade unions and workers’ groups raising issues of livelihood and workers’ rights to employment and housing on the one hand — and architects, urban designers and civic activists raising issues of public space and city planning policy on the other hand. Recently these groups have aligned themselves to pursue a public interest litigation on land use in the Mill Lands, in which the primary objective is to create more “public spaces” in the more than 600 acres of derelict and idle land in the inner-city textile mill compounds.

But the mills and other industrial spaces have never been “public spaces” in the sense that any citizen could enter them — they were entirely closed to anyone but workers or staff, both while they were operational and even after the strikes and closures. It is difficult to imagine the post-industrial landscapes of Mumbai except as crumbling factories and idle chimneys, because most people have never been inside of the mills, and the working-class communities that sustained them have lost their jobs and housing. When Girangaon (“the village of the mills”, as it was locally known) was still the throbbing heart of the city’s economy, each textile mill was a miniature city of several thousand people working in three to four shifts, day and night. A complex network of chawls, markets, maidans, and social institutions spread out from the mill gates, integrating the neighbourhood outside with the factory inside. Mid-century Marathi literature, poetry, and oral traditions contains rich reflections on the life of the mills and chawls, but there is today little public imagery and imagination of these spaces. The social fabric of Girangaon has collapsed, and the physical artefacts and lands of the industrial city are being dismantled as we speak.

It is almost impossible to visualise what is at stake for the city in the conversion of the mills from factories producing yarns and cloth to campuses producing information and services — one form of private accumulation giving way to another. Making these mills into public spaces and “giving them back to the city” is more than just a abstract dilemma of land-use or planning policy. Creating new public spaces from the city’s industrial heritage means also creating a public imagination for the city which recovers the active presence of work and technology in our everyday lives, and challenges the commonly-accepted vision of manufacturing inevitably giving way to services. We need to seek out new cultural forms by which to narrate these histories, and invite the urban public to tell its own stories of work, aspiration and movement that produced the Mumbai we know today.

Originally published as Mills as Public Spaces: Mumbai’s Industrial Heritagein Art India, April 2005


Filed under: journalism — Tags: , , , — Shekhar @ 20 March 2005 12.00 pm

Phoenix Mills Bowled Over

The collapse of the Bowling Company in Lower Parel after the storm which lashed the city in the past several days perhaps pales in comparison to the larger human tragedies that took place in other parts of the metropolis this week. However, the potential for a tragedy like the landslide which occurred at Azad Nagar in Ghatkopar should not be overlooked. Luckily the entertainment outlet remained closed on Thursday, but had the bowling alleys and the cafe inside been filled to their normal capacity, hundreds of people could have perished, when the rusted stilts and columns which grounded the century-old structure gave way.

Questions have already been raised as to the integrity of the surveys undertaken barely two months ago — by both the Bombay Municipal Corporation engineers and the so-called ‘independent’ engineers hired by the proprietors of the Bowling Company —  which certified the structural integrity and safety of the restaurants, clubs, and discos in the compound. These assurances were made public shortly after the Phoenix Mills was shut by the BMC, following the collapse of a building wall under renovation in late April. Both A D Singh, the owner of the Bowling Company, and the Ruias, the managers of Phoenix Mills, had stated that the constructions were sound, and that the public need not fear another such disaster — one precisely of the type which occurred two days ago. The Bowling Company and the other outlets in the Phoenix Mills re-opened several weeks after this tragedy, in which five labourers were killed and twelve others injured. The offences registered against the Ruias by the Mumbai Police for violating municipal building regulations and stop-work notices were quietly forgotten, and partying at the newly christened ‘Phoenix Garden City’ continued.

These two incidents at Phoenix Mills, raise other pressing questions about our city and its development, questions which are rarely posed in the media. Newspaper accounts stoke our anxieties about encroachments and illegal constructions on public lands, exposing the nefarious links between slumlords, bureaucrats, and corrupt urban officials for whom, it seems, the only answer is the municipal bulldozer. However, the Bowling Company, which opened just over a year ago, is itself an instance of the type of shoddy, unauthorised construction that we see spilling out onto public spaces and footpaths all over the city.

All of the lands of textile mills of central Bombay are reserved for industrial use, and governed by the Development Control Rules of the city, which were amended in 1991 to allow for the lease of portions of mill land. The funds accrued from the lease of these surplus lands were earmarked in Government schemes for reinvestment in the textile mills, to restart production and provide jobs to thousands of workers who were being retrenched by mill-owners-turned-real estate barons. While propagating a myth of ‘industrial sickness’ which served as a ruse to exploit accelerating real estate value in the city in the early nineties, thousands of workers were harassed by mill managements, and thrown onto the streets. In order that mill-owners, their political patrons and underworld sponsors, could profit from the sale of the lands in these once-productive industrial areas.

Availing of relief schemes sanctioned by the Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) in Delhi, which granted tax relief and gave amnesties on loans for the sick mills, the owners claimed to revive textile production. Siphoning off the money from these revival and modernisation schemes, they sold or scrapped their machinery, withheld the wages and legal dues of workers, subcontracted production to the powerlooms of Bhiwandi, and harassed the workers into leaving their jobs. Phoenix Mills and its owners, Bharat and Ashok Ruia, who had availed of several such schemes from 1977 onwards, in 1995 approached the BIFR to sanction a relief scheme which stipulated new purchases and upgradation of machinery, and reinstatement of its workers. However, from April 1998 onwards, the management arbitrarily shut the gates of the mill, vacated and demolished the departments earmarked for modernisation, and suspended and charge-sheeted workers who had been demanding regular work. All the while the future of the mill-workers was being spelled out in the high-rises, dance clubs, corporate and bank offices which were sprouting in the mill compound — while textile production was stopped, public money pocketed, and the scheme for industrial revival buried. Phoenix Mills was released from the purvey of the BIFR in 1999, by which time all its permanent staff of up to 800 workers was retrenched.

In a letter to the BMC in early 1998, the Ruias sought permission to expand the canteen and recreation facilities of the mill for, they claimed, ‘over 1000 workers’, whom they claim had been demanding such amenities. This fraudulent application, made at a time when the workers were being denied entry into their own workplace, was the guise for the Bowling Company, which opened in May 1999 on the site of the processing department of the mill, which was to be revived under the BIFR scheme. One former worker of Phoenix Mills remarked that the entry fee for the Bowling Company is four times the daily salary of a worker in the small-scale sweatshops of Bhiwandi — where textile production has been shifted in the past three decades, to dodge protective labour legislation and public scrutiny.

Since the collapse of the Bowling Company on Thursday, the BMC has asked the mill-owners to submit the building plan of the mill compound for further scrutiny. If such a plan exists, which is doubtful, it would show clearly that more than two-thirds of the land of the mill has been questionably redeveloped, from which the owners are making quick profits, in violation of the DC Rules and the sanctioned revival schemes. While textiles remain one of the country’s largest industries and foreign exchange earners, bowling alleys are, like real estate, speculative, fly-by-night operations. The scandalous and false statements of both municipal authorities and the proprietors of Phoenix Mills — which was made obvious in the collapse of the Bowling Company this week — should make us wonder whether our city isn’t also being leased out to those just interested in making a quick profit.

Originally published in Lawyer’s Collective Magazine, 13 July 2000


Filed under: journalism — Tags: , , — Shekhar @ 1 July 2000 12.00 pm

The Murder of Mumbai’s Mills

The fate of Bombay’s textile mill industry, its working class, and the valuable swathes of land its mills occupy in the centre of the city, is a fin-de-siècle echo of a familiar urban theme. Claims on land and space have been the narrative thread of the most celebrated and most notorious chapters in the urban history of Bombay. These range from the legendary reclamations that linked up several marshy outposts and settlements to compose the island city in the eighteenth century, to the extension of the railways which promoted suburban development, to the land-grabbing and builders’ mafias of contemporary Mumbai.

The historic mills of the city are industrial dinosaurs dotted around the city landscape, whose textile production has been eclipsed in efficiency and profitability by the sweatshop labour employed in powerloom towns like Bhiwandi and Malegaon. The uncompromising militancy of the great textile strike in the early eighties convinced the city millowners that dealing with unions was unnecessary when production could be maintained in powerloom units in the urban hinterland — small-scale workshops that prevent the organisation of workers, which evade protective labour legislation, and which run on black money, stolen electricity and powerful political patronage.

By the late eighties, the lands of the mill compounds became more valuable for the millowners than the cloth these mills produce, and the workers whose livelihoods they have sustained for several generations. Thus In 1991, the fate of the mills began to be spelled out with the new Development Control (DC) Rules for the city, framed  by Sharad Pawar’s Government, permitting the sale of a portion of the mill lands, ostensibly to channel the funds into the revival of the industry. This reinvestment never in fact occurred, the money earned from the lease and sale of the lands was instead siphoned off by the millowners, and the mills closed and their premises redeveloped into high-rises, office spaces, discotheques, restaurants and bowling alleys. Parallel to this ruthless gentrification, mill workers saw their wages withheld, the gates of their mills arbitrarily shut, and the signing away of their rights by the sole recognised union for the textile industry, the Rashtriya Mill Mazdoor Sangh (RMMS), whose underworld patronage is well-known.

Since 1991, cases filed in the Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) in New Delhi, requesting permission to sell surplus mill lands have swelled. Management cited the “sickness” of the mills, when the real reason lay in the skyrocketing real estate values and the chance to relocate production, profiteer from land scams and tax breaks granted by the BIFR, while they closed the units, and sold the machinery and workers for scrap. At the peak of the property boom several years ago, the value of the mill lands reached somewhere around Rs 5000 crores. And though the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance which came to power in 1995 promised to halt the sale of mill lands, restart production and provide jobs, they proved even more enthusiastic partners to the millowners’ profiteering.

With a further revision of the DC Rules on the cards, the new Congress-NCP Government has shown a determination to solve this festering issue and expedite the sale of mill and other reserved industrial lands, 23% of the land of the island city. The mills and working-class chawls of central Mumbai, crushed between the congested business district and the expanding suburbs, have in the past decade come under the combined pressure of the spiralling real estate market, the powerful lobby of builders and politicians, and the burgeoning middle-classes, starved of space. In the past decade, a battery of chattering economists, architects, society journalists and corporate promoters have advanced plans for the redevelopment of the “dead” mills into movie and design studios, five-star hotels, office spaces for multinational and corporate firms, and posh restaurants.

The casualty of these blinkered developments — satisfying the consumption of the few, not production for the many — has been Mumbai’s once-proud working-class, the mill-workers who spearheaded the trade union movement in India, and who today continue to hold out for their salaries and jobs. Historically, they have lent their strength to the calls for swadeshi and azadi, and their culture nestles in the heart of Bombay’s growth into a vibrant industrial city, stretching back to the nineteenth century. Barely twenty years ago, the working population of “Girangaon” — the “village of mills”, a web of industrial units, chawls, markets and maidans which spreads across central Bombay — numbered 2.5 lakhs.

This has now dwindled to less than 50 thousand, and the displaced numbers have not been reabsorbed into the city’s organised workforce. Banished into a life of casual and insecure employment, some have died of trauma or starvation, others have taken to selling vegetables or working as security guards in the gleaming skyscrapers and offices coming up in the old mills. Most notably, it is estimated that much of the underworld’s ranks are composed of former mill-workers and their unemployed sons. Though unrecognised unions like the non-party Girni Kamgar Sangharsh Samiti (GKSS) have made significant gains in reopening seven mills since 1989, since Independence the Bombay mill workers have been straitjacketed to the representation of the recognised union. The current president of the RMMS, Sachin Aher, is the nephew of the notorious gangster-politician Arun Gawli.

In these days when the prevailing orthodoxy tells us that state intervention in economic processes is to be avoided, one should think for a moment what this surrender to “market forces” means for our social fabric and overall urban design. With the removal of restrictions on land use that accompanied the 1991 DC Rules, land-grabbing has proliferated, the nexus between corrupt civic and state authorities, builders, and gangsters increased, as has the unregulated expansion horizontally and skywards of new hutments and high-rises.

This privatised city presents a strangely postmodern vista. Advertising agencies, restaurants and bowling alleys, software companies and art galleries are sprouting in the former stronghold of working-class culture and the birthplace of India’s industrial modernity. While these new offices shelter beneath the towering mill chimneys that now jostle with skyscrapers for command of Bombay’s skyline, there is a dark irony not lost on many Mumbaikars. Least of all to the security guard who now tends to the gates of this newly discovered elite paradise.

Originally published in the People’s Reporter, Mumbai, July 2000


Filed under: journalism — Tags: , , , — Shekhar @ 6 June 2000 12.00 pm

Mill on the Loss

The history of Mumbai is a narrative of the struggle over space. The fate of the mill lands of central Mumbai, and its industries and workers, is the latest chapter in this story.

The life of any city is not simply tied to its flows of goods, services and capital, but also to its patterns of work, leisure and movement — all of which revolve on the use of space. Throughout Mumbai’s history, claims on land and space have been the narrative thread of the most celebrated and most notorious chapters in our urban history. These range from the legendary reclamations that linked up several marshy outposts and settlements to compose the island city in the eighteenth century, to the disastrous Back Bay Reclamation Scheme in the 1920s. This scheme to fill in the Back Bay earned the name ‘Lloyd’s Folly’, after the bungling of the then Governor, whose plan ended in failure and infamy because of engineering mistakes, corruption, and the crash in land values during the Great Depression.

The story of the mill lands is a fin-de-sicle echo of this familiar urban theme. The historic textile mills of the city are industrial dinosaurs dotted around the city landscape, whose textile production has been eclipsed in efficiency and profitability by the sweatshop labour employed in powerlooms towns like Bhiwandi. The millowners realised long ago that the lands of the city mill compounds are more valuable than the textiles they produce, and the workers whose livelihoods they have sustained for several generations.

The fate of the mills began to be spelled out with the new Development Control Rules for the city, framed in 1991 by Sharad Pawar’s Government, permitting the sale of a portion of the mill lands, to channel the funds into the revival of the industry. This reinvestment never in fact occurred, the money earned from the lease and sale of the lands was instead siphoned off by the millowners, and the mills closed. In the past several years, the workers saw their wages withheld, the gates of their mills arbitrarily shut, and the intimidation of union activists with underworld support.

Since 1991, cases filed in the Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction, requesting permission to sell surplus mill lands swelled. Managements cited the ‘sickness’ of the mills, when the real reason lay in the skyrocketing real estate values and the chance to siphon off the money earned from revival schemes, profiting from the land deals, while they closed the units, and sold the machinery and workers for scrap. At the peak of the property boom several years ago, the value of the surplus mill lands reached somewhere around Rs 5000 crores.

With the further revision of the DC Rules proposed by the three-member committee of the BMC, the Chief Minister has shown a determination to solve this festering issue and expedite the sale of mill and other reserved industrial lands, 23% of the land of the island city. The mills and working-class chawls of central Mumbai, crushed between the congested business district and the suburbs, have in the past decade come under the combined pressure of the spiralling real estate market, the powerful lobby of builders and politicians, and the burgeoning middle-classes, starved of space.

The real casualty of this development has been Mumbai’s once-proud working-class, the mill-workers who spearheaded the trade union movement in India, and who today continue to hold out for their salaries and jobs. Historically, they have lent their strength to the calls for swadeshi and azadi, and their culture nestles in the heart of Mumbai’s growth into a vibrant industrial city, stretching back to the nineteenth century. Barely twenty years ago, the working population of ‘Girangaon’ — the ‘village of mills’, a web of industrial units, chawls, markets and maidans which spreads across central Mumbai — numbered 2.5 lakhs.

This has now dwindled to less than 50 thousand, and the displaced numbers have not been reabsorbed into the city’s organised workforce. Banished into a life of casual and insecure employment, some have died of trauma or starvation, others have taken to selling vegetables or working as security guards in the gleaming skyscrapers and offices coming up in the old mills. Most notably, it is estimated that 60–70% of the underworld’s ranks are composed of former mill-workers and their children.

Recently I met a group of young entrepreneurs, just returned from New York, who are soon to launch a online literary journal, supported by venture capital. When I asked them where they proposed to set up their office, they suggested the Raghuvanshi Mills Compound in Parel, ‘to get that industrial look.’ A statement of postmodern chic, they were perhaps unaware that late last year, the workers of Raghuvanshi Mills took over the unit in the hope of restarting production, which had been halted for the previous three months. The owner of the mill, Hemal Thakkar, had not paid them for several months, and had not complied with a BIFR scheme to restart production to capacity. Instead he continued to sell the land. Two years earlier, Thakkar’s father Vallabbhai was shot in broad daylight by one of Arun Gawli’s lieutenants, in what many have claimed was an attempt by builders to extort money from the millowners.

The murder of the mills and the forcible eviction of their workers is, however, not an isolated instance of rapacious profiteering at the expense of our urban community. The aggrieved residents of Worli Seaface, who are opposing the Bandra-Worli bridge; the unfortunate neighbourhoods where new flyovers promise obstruction and pollution; and even the dying mangroves in Mahim Creek, choked by new roads and reclamations — all can all testify to this. The mills are symbolic of issues facing every resident of Mumbai, rich or poor, big or small. In these days when the prevailing orthodoxy tells us that state intervention in economic processes is to be avoided, one should think for a moment what this surrender to ‘market forces’ means for our social fabric and overall urban design. With the removal of restrictions on land use that accompanied the 1991 DC Rules, land-grabbing has proliferated, the nexus between corrupt civic authorities, builders, and gangsters increased, as did the expansion horizontally and skywards of  new hutments and highrises.

Originally published as Mill on the Loss in the Indian Express Mumbai Newsline, 5 April 2000


Filed under: journalism — Tags: , , , — Shekhar @ 5 April 2000 12.00 pm

The Murder of Phoenix Mills

Download The Murder of the Mills

http://www.heptanesia.net/documents/phoenix.pdf

This pamphlet was a case study of the redevelopment of the Phoenix Mills in Lower Parel, Mumbai conducted from November 1999 to March 2000 and published by the Lokshahi Hakk Sanghatana and Girangaon Bachao Andolan in Mumbai in April 2000.


Filed under: main — Tags: , , , — Shekhar @ 1 April 2000 12.00 pm