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This book review appeared in slightly edited form as “Micro-History of Mumbai” in Economic and Political Weekly Buy amoxicillin, (Mumbai), Vol XLV No.36 September 04, 2010.

Mariam Dossal, Theatre of Conflict, City of Hope: Mumbai, 1660 to Present Times (New Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 2010)

Historian Mariam Dossal’s new book on Bombay/Mumbai is a major contribution to a flourishing genre of new urban histories in South Asia, and a scholarly cross-over into a large-format, illustrated urban heritage books. This is Dossal’s second major monograph on Bombay, following her Imperial Designs and Indian Realities (1991) on the infrastructure and planning of the colonial city from 1845-1875. Her new book focuses on “the ways in which the politics of land use have impacted on the lives and living conditions of Bombay’s inhabitants” (xxiii) with “contested space as its central concern”. Arizona AZ Ariz. , The book seeks to explain historically how “expensive private property dominates almost every aspect of life” (xix) to the detriment of the environment, health and happiness of Mumbai’s citizens. Dossal’s work breaks new ground in its use of new sources to shine a light on a central thread of colonial and urban history in Bombay, buy amoxicillin. Land is one of the enduring themes of South Asian agrarian and colonial historiography. But the survey, settlement, and mapping of lands in cities – and the formation of a market for private property in urban land – remains under-investigated by historians.

Marxist social history, premised on the opposition of industrial capitalists and wage labourers, relegated landlords and landed property to an ambigious “third space” in the historical geography of urban development. The best works of urban history, both in India and elsewhere, spatialize the classic opposition between capital and labour in the geography of the modern capitalist city. In Bombay, purchase amoxicillin online, Raj Chandavarkar has shown how trade union politics and industrial protest were shaped as much in the workplace and factory as in the organization of working-class neighbourhoods. Buy amoxicillin, Jim Masselos has narrated how control over urban space was central to public politics and nationalist mobilization in colonial Bombay. In capitalist cities, space and the built environment are both the outcome of ongoing struggles, as well as an arena for new practices of politics and social life. The state, in turn, ensures the reproduction of the dominant spatial practices – private ownership, profitable land uses, and stable property values – through technologies such as cadastral mapping, revenue surveys, Cheap amoxicillin, and urban planning.

It is within this “theatre of conflict” over land and property relations that Dossal’s spatial history of the colonial and postcolonial city unfolds. Divided into two sections – on agrarian Bombay until 1860 and industrial Bombay until the present, respectively – the book seeks to situate Bombay’s urban history in the historical transition from “feudalism to capitalism”. The large format, coffee-table book ambitiously claims to chronicle from “1660 to Present Times” in nine chapters. However the real heart of the study is from around 1790 to 1940, or about 150 years (Chapters 4 to 8) which span the rise of Bombay from an archipelago of agricultural-fishing islands to one of Asia’s largest industrial metropolises, buy amoxicillin. The first three chapters chronicle the British acquisition of Bombay from the Portugese, and early efforts by British governors to protect and fortify their settlement, and extend their legal sovereignty over the city and its inhabitants. In the new courts instituted by the British in the 18th century, a modern form of legal hegemony over land transactions was sought through instituting a “rule of property” by which the colonial state would supersede earlier Indian and Portugese tenures, neutralize the power of landlords and tenants, and establish Government as the ultimate “lords of the land”, köpa amoxicillin online. Dossal foregrounds the difficulties faced by the British in extending this rule in early colonial Bombay. The obstacles to rationalizing earlier tenures and creating a market for land based on private property, was a “painful reminder of their limited and contested domain” (xxx). Buy amoxicillin, For the British, asserting control over territory required tackling the “maze of tenures and titles” (11) left behind by earlier empires through “scientific surveying” which would clarify land ownership and uses, and thereby rationalize the basis of revenue collection. The Portugese forms of agricultural land tenure such as fazendari, toka and foras, as well as older inams, customary and usufruct rights in land vested by erstwhile dynastic rulers formed a mosaic of fedual inheritances and obligations. It required significant political and administrative effort to remove this burden of precedent and establish a new legal and economic basis for land administration in British Bombay.

Unlike the near-heroic accounts provided in studies of colonialism such as Dossal’s first book and Matthew Edney’s Mapping An Empire (1990), the settlement of urban lands in colonial Bombay was by no means smooth or easy. Eliciting land use, Where to buy cheap amoxicillin, rental and taxation data from revenue surveys, and cadastral maps to register properties and transactions, was frustrated on the ground by numerous practical problems in determining the “ground truth” of land uses. Payments earlier made in kind or customary dues were replaced by cash payments, but centralizing revenue collection in the state required breaking the back of the hereditary revenue farmers appointed by the Portugese, the vereadores and mattaras (54). The lack of a comprehensive revenue survey to measure and demarcate boundaries was repeatedly felt throughout the 18th century as lands held by the Company were alienated, encroached and “invaded” by Indians (53-54), buy amoxicillin. Classifying uses and tenures, monitoring exchange and mortgage of land and property, and collecting taxes proved frustrating without reference to a comprehensive survey which recorded all transactions and laws to codify the state’s monopoly over all private property. Dossal’s study of the three major cadastral (property or revenue) surveys of Bombay conducted by the British under Thomas Dickinson (1811-1827), George Laughton (1865-1872) and during World War I (1915-1918) serve as “illuminating prisms which reveal the transformation of feudal lands into private property, the growing dominance of a capitalist land market, Mississippi MS Miss. , and greater state intervention” (xxxii).

The undertaking of such a revenue survey of Bombay’s lands had to wait until the consolidation of British power in western India following the Anglo-Maratha Wars. Dickinson took over the work of the revenue survey in 1811 after the failure of earlier efforts due to rioting by bhandaris against increases in the toddy tax (abkaree) – which was second only to land revenue in its returns for the Bombay Government (73). Dickinson’s “scientific” mapping of Bombay’s lands, topography and properties had an avowed political objective – to “assert the State’s rights to all lands in Bombay” (79, 97) and recover lost rents and rights, and establish titles by conversion of multiple tenures into freehold or “fee simple” private property. Buy amoxicillin, Completed over sixteen years, and containing registers, cadastral maps, rent rolls and reports on localities, Dickinson’s survey created the first accurate “base map” of British Bombay, permanently altering the the terms of tenancy and occupation in the city after 1827. Resumption of land under such agricultural tenures such as toka and foras and increases in ground rent, reclamation from the sea of new landed estates which were parcelled and leased out, and acquisition of land for “public purposes” such as railway construction and infrastructure proceeded apace through the mid-nineteenth century, despite protests by cultivators, Acheter amoxicillin bon marché, established tenants, and “litigious and cantankerous individuals” (130). All transfers and mortgages of land, and registration and conveyances of property, were now legally centralized simultaneously as private property rights were accorded legal status in 1839, marking “the legal transition from feudal to capitalist Bombay” (109). “The moot question which remained and which would continue to pit the inhabitants against the state was what was accepted as ‘legal’ and ‘authorized’ and what was deemed as ‘encroachment’.” (83) Disputes over land use and tenancy continued as the city expanded rapidly northwards with the development of new docks, mills, roads and railways to support the burgeoning cotton trade and textile industry from the 1850s.

The reclamation and developments of late 19th and early 20th century Bombay were instrumental in consolidating colonial state sovereignty over the emerging market in urban lands. In conjunction with the Great Indian Trigonometrical Survey, a second survey of the city under G.A, buy amoxicillin. Laughton was undertaken from 1865-1872, producing an updated set of maps and a new land register which more accurately demarcated the boundaries of plots, Tennessee TN Tenn. , helping defend against rampant encroachments and constantly changing “facts on the ground” (134). New laws were passed in 1865 for assessment of rates to be paid by landowners, as well as the terms of leases issued on newly developed areas in the rapidly industrializing city. The removal of the Fort walls and redevelopment of the Fort and Esplanade as the central business district known as “Frere Town” in the 1870s, is extensively documented by Dossal. The crisis caused by the outbreak of bubonic plague in 1896 led to the creation of the Bombay City Improvement Trust (BIT) and Development Department (BDD) which over the subsequent forty years restructured the city’s geography through the construction of new arterial roads and the layout of suburban estates given on long-leases for housing workers and the new middle-class. Buy amoxicillin, The last major survey of urban lands in Bombay was undertaken during World War I – the “New Cadastral Survey” of 1915-1918 which today remains the index for all properties in the city which bear a “CS” number (176-177).

The empirical depth of Dossal’s research into this micro-history of urban lands is pioneering, and the diversity of materials she employs is impressive. While most of the first and final two chapters are based on known books and secondary sources, the middle five chapters are based on heretofore undiscovered records in the Bombay Collector and Land Records Office, Ordering amoxicillin overnight delivery, and reports in the Maharashtra State Archives which few historians have considered so carefully. Much as in Dossal’s earlier work on the engineering of colonial Bombay, the British state and officialdom are represented as the primary agents of change on the urban landscape. Her rigid chronological framework sticks close to the colonial archive, and Indian inhabitants of Bombay, both elite and subaltern, only find voice through their manifold encounters, negotiations and confrontations with the colonial state. Dossal prefers extended quotation and appendices to the effort to read sources against the grain, buy amoxicillin. But her archival research presents a rich fund of petitions, legal disputes, and testimonies from Indians which interrupt and frustrate the work of British surveyors, collectors, billig amoxicillin apotek, and planners.

Indeed the most vivid moments of the narrative are found in the forms of resistance offered by the city’s Indian subjects who engaged in “surreptitious land sales, encroachments on government lands, and a refusal to pay taxes. These modes of dealing with the government were strategies devised by the people to carve out domains of space and action for themselves” (xxxii). These strategies ranged from outright defiance to working the system (58-60). They include the rich widow Navibai Ludha, who fought a successful legal battle to retain ownership of her husband’s land and obtain approval to construct a new commercial building on the Esplanade in Frere Town (138-140); the Konkani merchant Mohammed Ameen Roghay’s petition against sanitarian Henry Conybeare’s drainage scheme which abutted on his private properties in the Native Town (118-120); the dispute over the valuation and compensation for the Shamsett brothers’ estate in Colaba (85-88). Buy amoxicillin, Numerous petitions cited by Dossal protest at the incursion by the state on “customary” rights and obligations in land, as the “rule of custom” became a common rhetorical strategy by Indians to resist the “rule of property”. All of these episodes uncovered by Dossal’s archival work point to a vibrant subaltern resistance to the legal violence of the colonial state in the creation of a capitalist land market.

The book seeks to trace these “geographies of revolt” (160) beyond Independence “to present times”. However, the ninth, Discount amoxicillin, concluding chapter is a dizzying tour through the politics of land in contemporary Mumbai, out of context with the previous narrative. This final section fast-forwards through the crucial decades from the fifties to the eighties, when the scale and form of Bombay’s urbanization dramatically increased through the annexation of Salsette and Trombay into today’s Greater Bombay. Through the sixties the state governments of Bombay then Maharashtra responded with a host of new policies and institutions to segregate land uses, regulate construction and direct growth. Dossal entirely leaves out this institutional history of the growth and governance of Greater Bombay and its hinterland (226-228), buy amoxicillin. From the late sixties, the municipal Development Plan (DP) and Development Control Rules (DC) has become the grid through which all land uses in Bombay city and its vast suburbs have been zoned and governed. Inexplicably, the DP finds no mention in the book.

Similarly, the omission of any mention of the creation of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region or the development of New Bombay in the seventies – indeed almost all planning history since the creation of Maharashtra in 1960 – leaves the reader with the impression that the brave and ambitious proposals advanced by late colonial architects and planners remained unrealized in postcolonial Mumbai. Though Dossal highlights the advocacy of Claude Batley and the Indian Institute of Architects for a new “nationalist architecture” (192-194) and a master plan in the interwar period (209-11), buy amoxicillin cod, we find no evidence of how these were implemented by the new state after Independence. Leaving out these crucial decades of postcolonial change, the final chapter selects issues and events from the past two decades – the repeal of the Urban Land Ceiling (ULCRA) and Rent Acts, the Port Trust, Salt Pan, and Mill Lands, redevelopment of slums, chawls, and settlements like Dharavi – which have been examined in greater detail by other researchers and activists.

While allowing for ample room for diverse images such as maps, extracts from archival sources, Cheap amoxicillin no rx, and reproductions of artefacts, the editors have not done justice to the book’s large-scale format (and high price tag). Buy amoxicillin, The book is richly illustrated, though the quality of images and particularly maps reproduced is uneven. Most have been photographed, not scanned, with poor lighting, and appear pixellated at large sizes, and are mostly illegible at smaller sizes. The spatial and textual fragments are presented as stand-alone artefacts, rather than directly supporting the narrative as sources or evidence. Sometimes images are inconsistent or unconnected with the text, and captions are missing dates and supplementary information. While most of the book is black and white, comprar en línea amoxicillin, the colour plates included in the fold seem wasted on stock images of colonial Bombay. Give the centrality of maps and surveys to Dossal’s narrative, this section could have been more usefully devoted to reproducing these in colour, at higher scale and in greater cartographic detail, buy amoxicillin. Instead these pages are crowded with sepia-tinted prints of Gothic architecture and “tribes and castes” which are now well-circulated as heritage publications, postcards, and prints in Mumbai.

Though the production does not rival that of the landmark of this genre by Sharda Dwivedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (1995) – nor does Dossal’s prose style equal the fluency of city historians such as Chandavarkar or Masselos – Theatre of Conflict, City of Hope: Mumbai 1660 to Present Times is a worthy addition to the growing bookshelf of scholarly and popular writings on Bombay. It represents a bold cross-over by a disciplinary academic into the space of public history opened up by architects, environmentalists and heritage conservationists in Mumbai. Dossal’s history challenges the nostalgic simplification of history as “heritage” with a complex and fascinating narrative around the micro-politics of urban land use in colonial Bombay. While the “coffee-table” format often smothers the scholarship, Amoxicillin pharmacy, Dossal’s highly original archival work – all reproduced in detailed appendices to each chapter and extensive footnotes – will open numerous doors to urban historians, heritage enthusiasts and scholars of Bombay and western India.

  • Rajnayaran Chandavarkar, History, Culture and the Indian City (Cambridge University Press, 2009).

  • Mariam Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1991).

  • Sharada Dwivedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay: India Book House, 1995).

  • Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765-1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).

  • Jim Masselos, The City in Action : Bombay Struggles for Power (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007).

SHEKHAR KRISHNAN is a doctoral candidate in history and anthropology the Program in Science Technology & Society (STS) at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, Mass, U.S.A.


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I'll be travelling to California for the first time since 1997 later this week for meetings in Palo Alto with the folks from the GIS Special Interest Group Buy amoxicillin without prescription, , Simulated History, Tooling Up for Digital Histories, and the Spatial History Project, all at Stanford University. Osta amoxicillin, Along with Schuyler Erle and the folks from Stamen Design, we'll be discussing the goals and challenges of spatial history on the web.

As part of my visit I'll be giving a short talk at the Stanford Humanities Center this Friday 8 January 2010 from 3:00 to 4:00PM in the Baker Board Room, comprare amoxicillin. Buy amoxicillin, The title, Mapping the Maximum City, Illinois IL Ill. , California CA Calif. , is borrowed from Schuyler's keynote at Where 2.0 in 2007 (listen to the ITConversations podcast) on our work together on the building the Mumbai Freemap database. Here's the link to their announcement of the talk and my revised abstract (with apologies to Michael Pye and Suketu Mehta):

In social theory and ethnography, cheapest amoxicillin in the world, Cheap generic amoxicillin, the “return of space” has foregrounded the environmental dimensions of urban power through a new critical geography. Recently a distinct “urban turn” the study of South Asian history has sought to rethink the role of cities such as Bombay, amoxicillin without a prescription, Amoxicillin no prescription, Delhi and Calcutta as more than just a physical container for colonial power, or discursive stage for nationalist politics, amoxicillin farmacia a buon mercato. However the narrative frameworks of nationalist historiography and the spatial histories of cities and regions in South Asia often operate at disjunct scales and through distinct periodicities.

New mapping technologies and methods of urban spatial history dramatize these gaps in the periodization of urban change in contemporary South Asia, buy amoxicillin without prescription. Amoxicillin over the counter, I will document how I have used historical maps, community geodata, order amoxicillin online, Missouri MO Mo. , and open source GIS to map a spatial framework for understanding the growth of colonial and postcolonial Mumbai. My presentation will address the hiatus between narrative and spatial history in the context of my research on the urban environment in Bombay/Mumbai in the twentieth century, cheap amoxicillin overnight delivery, Osta amoxicillin online, as the city grew from a colonial commercial center to a global metropolitan region. Using map imagery and geodata from historical and topographical surveys of colonial Bombay, as well as development plans and community information from contemporary Mumbai, I will show how scale and form of postcolonial urbanisation requires new ways of theorising the contested spaces of the Indian city.

I will focus on the technical and analytical challenges of mapping and archiving boundaries and structures in Bombay/Mumbai between 1914 and 2001 in the Mumbai Freemap, a community mapping project initiated by CRIT (Collective Research Initiatives Trust), a voluntary group of urban researches and designers, to use open source software, public geodata, geographic information systems (GIS), and community maps to produce an open spatial database of twentieth century Mumbai.

Shekhar Krishnan is a doctoral candidate in the Program in Science Technology and Society (STS) at MIT (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) where he is researching the history of technology and the urban environment in Bombay and Western India from 1860-1950. For the past ten years he has been involved in urban research and community organizing in Mumbai as a founding coordinator then associate director of PUKAR (Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research) and currently as a founder member of CRIT (Collective Research Initiatives Trust). He has been a project fellow and evangelist with Zotero at the Center for History & New Media and is currently managing partner of Entropy Free LLC, a software consultancy which builds open source tools for digital humanities and the geospatial web.


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Order amoxicillin online cheap, Open Historical Maps: Crowdsourcing, Open Source GIS, and the Research Web

ABCD GIS Group, Harvard Center for Geographic Analysis
Wednesday 15 April 2009 from 12.00-14.00
CGIS North Building, Room S050, 1737 Cambridge Street

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Our presentation will show how open source GIS and curated "crowdsourcing" can create an infinite archive of places for digital historians and ethnographers. αγοράσετε amoxicillin έκπτωση, While the importance of space and place to their research has long been acknowledged by social scientists, there remains a wide gap between their theoretical concerns and the data-driven empiricism of GIS, Hawaii HI . Kjøp Discount amoxicillin, For those without technical or database skills, maps and geodata are mostly commonly to illustrate rather than advance an argument, Vermont VT Vt. . Amoxicillin discount, However the web can render the tacit knowledge of geography implicit in most historical and ethographic narratives available to the scholars in entirely new forms. We will showcase our ongoing work with the Maps Division of the New York Public Library on a web-based Map Rectifier and Digitizer, Texas TX Tex. , Cheap amoxicillin pills, a platform for scholars and entusiasts to georeference scanned historical maps and digitize historical features of cities and the environment.

SHEKHAR KRISHNAN is a researcher and activist pursuing his doctorate in History and Anthropology of Science Technology & Society (STS) at MIT, where his research on the history of technology and the urban environment in colonial Bombay and western India, order amoxicillin online cheap. He has been a project fellow with Zotero at the Center for History and New Media at George Mason University, Alaska AK . Køb discount amoxicillin, With Schuyler Erle, he manages geo-spatial web projects for the New York Public Library and the Network in Canadian History of the Environment (NiCHE). 

SCHUYLER ERLE has been a free and open source software developer, lowest price amoxicillin, Cheap amoxicillin online cheap, project leader, and evangelist for over a decade, amoxicillin online kaufen. North Carolina NC N.C. , He is a co-author of Mapping Hacks and Google Maps Hacks, both published by O'Reilly Media, αγοράσετε amoxicillin. Köpa amoxicillin, He currently lives in New York City, where he leads EntropyFree, a technology consultancy focused on geographic information systems (GIS), natural language processing, academic computing and humanitarian aid.

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Slumdog Millionaire Order amoxicillin without prescription, has been running since September at the cinema across the street from my apartment in Cambridge. I enjoyed the film when I finally saw it in December, despite the cliched invocation of Bollywood in the concluding song and Danny Boyle's populism -- the last scene of Trainspotting, where Renton "chooses life" by robbing his heroin addict mates from Glasgow, was more my style. But melodrama has its uses, cheap amoxicillin online. Watching Jamal and Latika dance on the platforms of Victoria Terminus in the film's finale reminded me of the protective grandeur of India's greatest railway station, in which a few weeks before 56 people had been shot by gunmen in the 26/11 terrorist attacks on Mumbai.

While its cast was mostly local, Slumdog Millionaire only opened in India in late January, Amoxicillin online stores, many months after it had become a sleeper hit in the U.S. It is a measure of the globalisation of urban India that even before the film was released, there were already protests over the apparently disparaging name of the film, and its popularity prompted Amitabh Bacchan to complain of the Western fetish for cinematic realism, while more recently, Salman Rushdie has claimed the film is not realistic or magical plausible enough, order amoxicillin without prescription.

This weekend, on the eve of the Oscars for which Slumdog Millionaire won eight awards, I was delighted to see an op-ed in the New York Times called Taking the Slum Out of Slumdog, written by an old friend and mentor. Rahul Srivastava* is a freelance novelist and ethnographer in Goa who co-wrote the piece with his collaborator, Wyoming WY Wyo. , digital urbanist Matias Echanove (the original version, Taking the Slum out of Dharavi, is on their blog Airoots).

In Mumbai it is a commonplace that more than 60% of the urban population live in so-called "slums". Buy amoxicillin from canada, While the term itself is apocryphal, it has been traced to the old Irish "s lom" for a "bare bleak room", an "impoverished place" or "barren life". Order amoxicillin without prescription, Historically, the term "slum" has always referred to both to the concrete dwellings in which the urban poor live, as well as a less tangible, but no less real, moral panic about this built environment. Until the development of germ theory and public health policies, Victorian sanitary reformers believed that overcrowding, lack of sinks, South Carolina SC S.C. , sewers, and taps corrupted both the morals and health of the urban poor.

Shocked at the growth of large squatter settlements in the first shock cities of the industrial revolution, early urban journalists and reformers such as Friedrich Engels and Jacob Riis brought the slang of the predominantly Irish immigrant slum dwellers into the popular imagination. Alabama AL Ala. , Fear of the unwashed urban masses was inscribed into the descriptions of their housing, and this imaginative displacement was suddenly applicable everywhere that slums proliferated. Perceived as a disease on the body politic, the great reformers flipped the terms of contagion in the public mind and press for political change. From blaming the victims -- the slum dwellers themselves -- they identified the disease agents in the invisible hand of corrupt municipal bosses and builders who dispensed patronage to the slumlords and extorted rent from the poor, order amoxicillin without prescription.

This discourse of reform travelled throughout the British Empire in the wake of industrialisation in the colonies, first as moral reform and then as material improvement, order amoxicillin c.o.d.. Slums were breeding grounds for the social unrest and epidemic diseases spawned by the early factory system. Danny Boyle is a product of these connections, as a working-class Irish Catholic from Manchester, the factory city whose mills were fed by the cotton from colonial India. For amoxicillin online, It was from Glasgow -- the scene of Boyle's Trainspotting -- that colonial sanitary reformers modelled the Bombay Improvement Trust, established in the wake of the plague epidemic in 1896 and charged with the task of demolishing slums and building sanitary housing for the slumdogs of colonial Bombay. Order amoxicillin without prescription, The moral lessons of the sanitarians gave way to material improvements by reformers who sought better housing, clean water, flushing toilets and open spaces for the urban masses.

Behind the moral language, the actual physical environment of urban slums represent a very wide spectrum of building practices and housing typologies, as my colleagues in CRIT have shown in this study of Housing Typologies in Mumbai published in 2007. The slum as place defies the slum as category, cheap amoxicillin tablets. The hiatus between this abstract slum of morality and ideology, and the real diversity of housing practices in the real built environment, is the cognitive gap that many critics, designers and ethnographers have recently sought to address. Kjøpe billig amoxicillin, In their article where they seek to take the slum out of Slumdog, Rahul and Matias acknowledge that the generic term "slum" masks a much more complex economic and ecological reality, and focus on the centuries-old settlement of Dharavi in Mumbai. Popularly known as "Asia's largest slum", it has been the subject of some of Mumbai's best journalism in works such as Jeremy Seabrook's Life and Labour in an Indian Slum and Kalpana Sharma's Rediscovering Dharavi, order amoxicillin without prescription. Slumdog Millionaire was extensively shot in Dharavi, to reference the archetypical slum environment of crowded and unpaved lanes, jerry-built shacks and tenements, Kansas KS Kans. , and water containers, hoses and taps next to every home.

While Rahul and  to "take the slum out" of films like Slumdog and places like Dharavi, they seem to feel it is enough to switch the moral registers while leaving the material artefact untouched. Order amoxicillin, They claim, incredibly, that "Dharavi’s extreme population density doesn’t translate into oppressiveness. The crowd is efficiently absorbed by the thousands of tiny streets branching off bustling commercial arteries". Order amoxicillin without prescription, The problem with critique is that it aestheticises slum conditions to serve up a cultural critique of urban planning and technology.

The statement that "No master plan, urban design, Montana MT Mont. , zoning ordinance, construction law or expert knowledge can claim any stake in the prosperity of Dharavi" is absurd when you consider that the economy of the place is entirely based around its proximity to major transport arteries and municipal boundaries. Dharavi is a triangular settlement with hard boundaries fixed by the western and central railway lines on either side, and the Mithi River and Mahim Bay on top. Idaho ID , From here, two causeways and railway bridges lead out of the island city of Mumbai into its immediate suburbs. Dharavi's identity is tied directly to this infrastructure and geography of transportation, which produced its central position in the urban economy.

While there is much to agree with in Rahul and Mathias's op-ed, the argument about the resourcefulness of the poor and the marginality of the state in Dharavi is a very serviceable critique, order amoxicillin without prescription. While both are committed activists, the logic of their argument is too easily seized upon by less committed anthropologists and development practitioners as a culturalist rationale for non-intervention in the urban environment, kopen goedkope amoxicillin.

The role of the state in providing urban services, or its capacity to effect any positive change in the life of the poor is another matter entirely. But the idea that it has no role in Dharavi denies the poor a stake in their own political agency. Nor is this a constructive critique of the predatory ecology of urban land on which the construction industry and urban power hangs in Mumbai. Order amoxicillin without prescription, Taking the state out of the slums renders invisible the entire urban regime which works to maintain the centrality of the industries and services of Dharavi, but push its people and their needs and aspirations to the peripheries. While serving as a sweatshop for multinational industries and a transport hub for Greater Mumbai, the residents of Dharavi literally live on the "other side of the tracks" of both Central and Western Railways and sleep next to the great sink for suburban effluvia and waste, the Mahim Creek.

Is it any cause for celebration that "in Dharavi... people have learned to respond in creative ways to the indifference of the state – including the setting up of a highly functional waste recycling industry that serves the whole city". Were the citizens of Dharavi any less resourceful, they would sink in garbage, or be eaten by dogs.

* For the record, Rahul and I gave Freida Pinto one of her first breaks in show business, as she once worked with us in the organisation which we directed together in Mumbai, PUKAR (Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research).

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Order amoxicillin no prescription, I presented these arguments in a discussion paper to the workshop on “Citizenship, Civility, and Environmental Sustainability Across Urban Asia” at the Yale University Department of Anthropology in January 2009.

The Urban Turn in South Asia

Scholarly interest in Indian cities is still quite recent. Unlike with Western cities, where there is a well-developed critical and scholarly literature on contemporary urban transformations, there are very few historical or ethnographic studies of social and technological change in modern Indian cities. In the wake of Subaltern Studies, the reasons for these are increasingly clear to young social scientists and researchers attempting to understand urban politics, society and culture in India. On the one hand, the nationalist biases of postwar and postcolonial social science and area studies deemed the rural countryside a more authentic form of society, following the well-known Gandhian dictum about “the real India”. On the other hand, the universalist biases of urban policy and technical studies in postcolonial India rendered the city into an ahistorical object of state intervention and control, order amoxicillin no prescription. While a social science of the city retained an ancillary role in development work sponsored by the state, now demoted to more instrumental forms of research, “fact-finding” and data collection tied to the objectives of social work programmes, development plans, and state-sponsored policy research.

The contemporary interest in the city in South Asia can be located a period coextensive with two distinct historical moments: the liberalisation of the national economy, and the economic and cultural globalisation of the city in the past twenty years; and more recently, the aftermath of the communal violence and rioting which rocked the country in the early nineties, following the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya and the communal riots in Mumbai in 1992-3. Across India and the global academic network of South Asian academics and intellectuals, amoxicillin online cheap, much scholarship and commentary at the time was addressed to the religious violence and communal nationalism of the Hindu Right, and was dominated by concerns over the decline of liberal secularism in India, and specifically to the urban cultures of civic cosmpolitan in places such as Mumbai, Delhi, Ahmedabad, and other towns and cities where mass communal violence had repeatedly shattered the earlier confidence of liberal elites in India's official secularism. In Mumbai, the new scholarly and activist literature on the city, coming in the wake of the riots in 1992-1993 and the rise of the Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party to state power from 1995-1999, was concerned with the decline of the city's cosmpolitanism. The official name of the city was changed from “Bombay” to “Mumbai” in 1995 when the BJP and Sena formed the first non-Congress ministry in the history of the state of Maharashtra, of which Mumbai is both state capital and commercial-industrial centre. Order amoxicillin no prescription, The change of name, agonised over by the popular media and scholars of Mumbai and Maharashtra, became the basic trope of the new urban studies in Mumbai in the nineties. The celebrated cosmopolitan city of migrants and merchants had transformed into a violent and divided metropolis. How did Bombay become Mumbai?1

The answers to these questions were sought in the deindustrialisation of the urban economy, and communalisation of urban politics which were the most powerful forces shaping the city in eighties and early nineties.2 The horror over the communal violence and criminalisation of local politics in the city, tinged with the elite anxieties over the loss of the city's “cosmopolitanism”, combined with other specific practices of writing and reading the city, forming a powerful conjuncture from the late nineties to the present in which a vibrant milieu of city activists and intellectuals, Order amoxicillin from canada, urban designers and architects, cultural and media practitioners are debating the imagined and built environments of the city.

This “urban turn” has evolved differently in specific disciplines, genres, and discursive practices. Quite apart from the flurry of new publications by social scientists, journalists and activists on post-riot Mumbai, two other genres of work defined a new ways of seeing and understanding in the city in the context of globalisation. The invention of the urban heritage of Classic Bombay by architects, heritage and civic activists and urban elites3; and the production of the idea of Bollywood both in cinema as well as television, advertising, and as a generalised media culture4 signified complementary movements in the direction of understanding the history, culture, and environment of the city in the cosmopolitan terms of global history.

The invention of “Classic Bombay” has occured in the context of the globalisation of Indian cities in the past fifteen years, and the question of their increasing bourgeoisification5. Over the past decade in Mumbai, a debate on the changing industrial landscapes of the city has been articulated by trade unionists and activists, journalists and scholars, architects, urban planners and designers, and the business and policy-making community, order amoxicillin no prescription. This emerging discourse on the city has many been voiced around many inter-connected concerns — the shrinkage and closure of manufacturing industries in the city and suburbs; the “informalisation” of manufacturing production, and the increasing exploitation of migrant labourers, women and children in this new work regime of casual and contract labour, undermining the employment base and solidarity of the old working classes; the notorious instances of high-income gentrification in former working-class neighbourhoods and industrial districts like the Mill Lands6; as well as the fears of the “death” of the city with the flight of its industries, its declining quality of life, environmental degradation and overburdened infrastructure, New Mexico NM N.Mex. , and its questionable prospects for future economic growth7.

The Theory of the “Global City”

All of these desires and anxieties about the city’s employment base and its changing economy, its spatial and social transformations in the two decades since the Bombay Textile Strike in 1981–2, have condensed into an ambiguous local discourse which accounts many of these complex changes to an overarching process of “globalisation”. To take a position on any of these issues means to also take a position on globalisation, understood as the sign of the Mumbai’s present and its future. However, no specific understanding of “globalisation” has been sought, and often ideology and rhetoric have filled the gap left by the lack of rigorous analysis of the various processes listed above. Where public criticism has emerged, it has tended to narrowly focus on symbols of a much larger process which is poorly understood. Order amoxicillin no prescription, Hence the fixation on consumerist symbols like shopping malls, five-star hotels, multiplex cinemas, gentirifed and converted factories and mills, and gated elite enclaves and ticketed zones of leisure. This narrow empirical focus on the outward features of changes seen in every city in the world which ignores a wider urban context where the basic means of work and livelihood have been specifically transformed over time and across space. In a way, this anti-globalisation rhetoric lends support to the elite fantasy of turning Mumbai into a global node for high-end services and finance, an Indian Singapore or Hong Kong8 which it targets by participating in its monumental and superficial vision.

In the academic industry, the number of theoretical arguments, disciplinary perspectives, and discourses on globalisation and the city have feverishly multiplied in the past decade. However, Acquistare a buon mercato amoxicillin, neither the recent literature on global cities, nor the earlier research on the post-industrial society, has taken seriously the particular location of cities like Mumbai in the process of the production of space of global capital. In her well-known study, Saskia Sassen has posited as a point of departure the combination of spatial dispersal of manufacturing and the global integration of services and finance which “has created a new strategic role for major cities”. Her study of the parallel changes in the economic base, spatial organisation and social structure of London, New York and Tokyo asks how cities with such different histories and cultures could experience such a similar transformation in a relatively short period of time, order amoxicillin no prescription. “To understand the puzzle of parallel change in diverse cities requires not simply a point-by-point comparison of New York, London, and Tokyo, but a situating of these cities in a set of global processes”, examining how different cities have responded to the same dynamic. She however warns that “the term global city may be reductive and misleading if it suggests that cities are mere outcomes of a global economic machine. They are specific places whose spaces, internal dynamics, and social structure matter; indeed, we may be able to understand the global order only by analyzing why key structures of the world economy are necessarily situated in cities”.9

Most of the debate on global cities neglects the importance of locality: how the abstract space of global capital is made into living places by real people, through their search for livelihood and their struggles for survival. The process of restructuring is both social as well as spatial, and the social forms of Mumbai as a global city cannot be understood without reference to its spatial forms, cheap amoxicillin online without prescription. Order amoxicillin no prescription, In this essay I explore how the complex spatial and social dynamics of Bombay’s industrial landscapes in the eighties and nineties are the backdrop against which global economic processes are restructuring the city’s economic geography. These local transformations were largely set in motion in the era before the structural adjustment and liberalisation policies in the nineties.

The classic theory of the global city, conceptualised by sociologist Saskia Sassen in her study of London, Tokyo and New York in the eighties, based itself on the integration of financial markets and producer services which occurred in these key world centres. While subsequent studies have emphasised the global natures of these flows and concentrations in other cities in an emerging global economy, recent attempts at describing Mumbai as a global city have assimilated the city's specific social and market forms, spatial and cultural practices, and political formations into another instance in the inevitable march of the economy. Thus the analysis of global politics and culture in Mumbai often misses the forest for the trees – focussing on the transformation of elite producer services such as call centres, business process outsourcing (BPOs) and high-end finance and information industries which employ less than 5% of the city's population and constitute tiny (but growing) global enclaves within most Indian metropolises. The effort at describing Mumbai as a global city in terms of expanding elite consumption and employment opportunities ultimately founders in an ahistorical and flat understanding of contemporary politics and culture in the city.

Urban Housing as Material Culture

How can we orient ourselves towards a comparative historical anthropology of housing in modern Mumbai. It is useful to state what we should not do, order amoxicillin no prescription. A comparative study of world cities should not neglect the specific spatial, social and economic conditions in which globalisation as a process is embedded and directed in a city like Mumbai. Nor should it treat “globalisation” in the same manner as an earlier generation of theorists and policy-makers regarded “modernisation”.

Rather than an inevitable process of “transition” from one stage of “development” to another, higher stage, we must see globalisation a contingent set of processes which articulate within determinate historical conditions. While global cities of the North in the seventies and eighties experienced an economic restructuring in which finance capital and producer services entirely displaced manufacturing industries, global cities in the South experienced a similar deindustrialisation, Cheap amoxicillin no prescription, without an accompanying concentration of finance and producer services industries in the contemporary period. While India developed in a classical colonial dependent condition, by the eighties, India was an autarkic economy, existing outside of global financial markets for at least another twenty years, until the liberalisation in the mid-nineties (though India remained largely isolated from the 1997 Asian financial crisis). Order amoxicillin no prescription, In mega-cities like Mumbai, the dissolution of large manufacturing industries in the eighties, and growth of new elite-oriented service economies in the nineties, instead elevated the construction industry and land speculation into the primary circuits of cash and capital accumulation in the city. It is to property, land and housing markets that we must turn for a theory of global cities in the South.

The generic forms of housing design and construction, finance and ownership, and domestic culture by which millions of people in Indian cities live their everyday lives has still not been treated as a serious subject of social or cultural history in India. Classical urban planning practice was historically premised on the segregation of the functions of modern urban life into residential, commercial/industrial, and public spheres, and their centralised location governed by state directives. However, Asian cities have constantly demonstrate the falsity of this separation of functions — with their vast districts of dense, mixed-use settlements governed by porous legalities, popular politics, and tactical negotiations over space and survival. This vast and complex economy has been inadequately imagined as the Third World 'slum' or theorised as the ‘informal economy’, ostaa halvalla amoxicillin. With the retreat of the state, centralised planning practice and its technocratic spatial imagination has been appropriated into a new spatial regime in which a predatory class of private builders dominates the production of formal housing for a minority of the rich, amidst rising inequality in access to housing and basic services for the majority of the urban poor in Mumbai.

Western and modernist approaches to architecture, urban design and planning treated urban housing as a place of residence, domesticity, and leisure — as a privileged site of social relations, and a prized object of consumption, order amoxicillin no prescription. However, a greater understanding of the cultural history of Asian cities must situate urban housing as a key unit of production in the urban economy, the material grid and medium through which everyday politics and culture are experienced. While a functional and economic separation of home and workplace is a central tenet of modern urban spatial practice, in Asian cities like Mumbai this false spatial division poses severe obstacles to situating the production of housing as part of the larger 'informal' economy of small scale manufacturing, casual labour, and flexible employment which defines the urban landscape for the majority of the urban poor. While the Asian city is famous for its rich local geographies and exotic cultural mixes, we need more detailed studies and analyses of the cultural history of housing in Asian cities — both as a material technology and as a social practice. The tactics and negotiations of urban poor communities in the context of Mumbai's contemporary housing crisis indicate a new form of urban politics whose future directions will be articulated by a historical understanding of the production of urban housing as material culture in the Asia Pacific.

Simultaneous to the informalisation of labour and housing markets in the eighties and nineties, the past twenty years have witnessed the decisive end of attempts at state-centred urban planning in Mumbai. Order amoxicillin no prescription, The post-Independence Development Plan, which had guided land, housing, and economic growth since the sixties, has been displaced in favour of piecemeal investments in infrastructure and transport, and housing and slum rehabilitation by the state, with increased participation from private builders and agencies. With the retreat of the state from its ambitious agendas of rational land-use, equitable distribution of services, and protection of the environment, the instruments of abstract spatial planning used by the state have withered and mutated into new urban forms marked by severe exclusions and enclosures.

Modern discourses on space and the city have problematised and represented the informal, casual, or slum housing in primarily moral terms. In Jacob Riis’s classic works, Florida FL Fla. , the production of housing and the blight of slum conditions is situated in a wider critique of the endemic urban corruption produced by the Tammany Hall political machine in antebellum New York City. How did this late nineteenth century imagination of the slum as both moral panic and reformist impulse become transformed into the late twentieth century symbol of the slum as a sign of underdevelopment, both in Third World mega-cities and Western inner-cities. The presence of the urban poor and working classs in large numbers has always been regarded as repugnant and dangerous to urban elites in all modern industrial cities, and it is little wonder that their forms of housing, hygiene and communal living were treated as the most visible symbol of a wider social or political crisis. But the image of the Third World slum, while borrowing from the century-old polemic of Riis, and the generation of civic reformers, urban sociologists, and community activists who followed him, has a special resonance in the era of globalised markets and media, order amoxicillin no prescription. In the paranoid nightmare of urban warfare projected by defence planners prior to the invasion of Iraq, or in the abortive Mogadishu landing by U.S. Marines ten years earlier portrayed the film “Black Hawk Down”, or even in the dystopic vision of urban theorists for whom the future urban world is the planet of slums, the dark alleys of the overcrowded Third World city – with their even darker inhabitants – condenses the negative fantasy of poverty, crime, violence and delinquency.

While this imagery are mobilised within the global media towards particular ends often not directly connected with the urban poor, within India their articulation is continuous with an elite minority's attempts to direct the commerce, labour and mobility of the majority of the urban poor into circuits of capital accumulation often outside prevailing legal and financial regimes. What we have called “predatory urbanism” is this new regime of speculative accumulation, legal exclusion, and the mass violence against the urban poor. The valorisation of the middle-class home and over-consumption in the urban media has its parallel in the marginalisation of the majority of the urban poor from land and housing — some 60% of the urban population of around 14 million citizens. Order amoxicillin no prescription, Secure housing is now the most desired object of consumption by all classes, from land-less squatters and working slum-dwellers to established tenants and the middle classes.

Historical Ecology of Ideas and Institutions in Mumbai

The new social and spatial relations of global Mumbai have given rise to various movements for housing and tenancy rights, which are now becoming the main arena for public politics. Borrowed from the natural sciences, comprar amoxicillin baratos, the concept “ecology” is used in the social sciences to analyse and explain the link between communities and their local environments. The concept can be used to describe the intellectual history of social movements and the non-state or non-governmental sector in Mumbai, their organisational forms, their use of different forms of knowledge, and the changing institutional, material, social and cultural environments in which these practices have evolved over the past twenty five years since the Emergency in India.

  1. Gandhian or nationalist “social work” organisations with an emphasis on a philosophy of national self-reliance and self-sufficiency, cottage industries and small-scale village and rural production models, whose strategies are non-violent protest and negotiation, and non-coercive dialogue; examples include Sarvodaya Mandal, and a host of cottage industries and small-scale cooperative industries;

  2. classical “social work” organisations working primarily with the health and education sectors, often with public sector, religious, Church and charitable funding; examples are many, they include the Nagpada Neighbourhood House, Nirmala Niketan School of Social Work, mobile creches, Cheap amoxicillin, organisations for the care of the marginalised, and so on;

  3. trade unions, and organisations associated with Left and radical social movements, whose focus is on the systemic inequalities and contradictions of capitalist society, whose strategies are ideological and political mobilisation and agitation for rights, resources, and power, mostly addressed to the state; examples include some affiliated and non-affiliated trade unions on the Left, especially those connected to the CPI and CPI (M), the Trade Union Solidarity Committee (TUSC), agitational groups and campaign networks, interest-based collectives such as Forum Against Oppression of Women, Left and Naxalite non-party and party formations;

  4. organisations associated with the post-Emergency civil liberties and democratic rights movements, now merging into newer global discourses on human rights, whose focus is on the violations of civil, political, economic and cultural rights of the “people”, and whose strategies are issue-based mobilisation, public interest litigation, and documentation or objective/scientific fact-finding around issues of rights violations; examples are Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR), köpa billiga amoxicillin, Lokshahi Hakk Sanghatana, Nivara Hakk Suraksha Samiti, Socio-Legal Information Centre (SLIC)/ India Centre for Human Rights and Law (ICHRL), YUVA, Majlis, and post-1992 mohalla committees;

  5. organisations involved in research activities, resource centres, or interest-based collectives, whose strategies are discussion, documentation and research work; examples are Centre for Education and Documentation (CED), SPARROW, Majlis, and documentation centres focussed on gender issues, such as Akshara and Vacha;

  6. organisations associated with international and global developmental practices, whose focus is on the assets and capital of the urban poor, where the discourse is of resources and not rights, and whose strategies are negotiation with state and non-state authorities, “empowerment” of the poor through provision of services and increased participation in governance; examples are Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action (YUVA), Michigan MI Mich. , Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC), many other mainstream NGOs;

  7. organisations which have sprung from civic grievances of the middle-classes and elites conceived exclusively as “citizens”, emphasising such issues as quality of life, noise and air pollution, provision of civic services and the perceived inefficiency and politicisation of these services, global competitiveness of the city as an corporate investment destination, whose strategies are negotiation and campaigning with the state authorities through the bureaucracy, elite media, private sector, and often collusion in state violence against the poor; examples are Association for Good Governance and Networking in India (AGNI), Bombay First, Citizens Forum for Protection of Public Spaces (Citispace), Colaba-Cuffe Parade, Pedder Road and other “middle-class” residents' associations.


1Sujata Patel and Alice Thorner, eds., Bombay: Metaphor for Modern India. Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 1995 and Bombay: Mosaic of Modern Culture. Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 1995; and Sujata Patel and Jim Masselos, eds., Bombay and Mumbai: The City in Transition, order amoxicillin no prescription. Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 2003

2Darryl D'Monte, Pennsylvania PA Penn. , Ripping the Fabric: The Decline of Mumbai and its Mills. New Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 2002

3Rahul Mehrotra and Sharda Dwivedi, Bombay: The Cities Within. Bombay: India Book House Limited, 1995 and Pauline Rohtagi, Pheroza Godrej and Rahul Mehrotra, eds., Bombay to Mumbai: Changing Perspectives. Mumbai: MARG Publications, 1997.

4Ashish Rajadhyaksha, “The 'Bollywoodisation' of the Indian Cinema: Cultural Nationalism in a Global Arena” in Preben Kaarsholm, ed. City Flicks: Indian Cinema and the Urban Experience Order amoxicillin no prescription, , Calcutta: Seagull Books, 2004, pp.113-139.

5Partha Chatterjee, “Are Indian Cities Becoming Bourgeois At Last. (or, if you prefer, we could exclaim, Koop korting amoxicillin, 'Are Indian Cities Becoming Bourgeois, Alas?') in Indira Chandrashekhar and Peter Seel, eds. Siting Contemporary Culture in India, Berlin: Haus der Kulturen der Welt and Delhi: Tulika Books, 2003, pp.171-185.

6Shekhar Krishnan, Murder of the Mills: A Case Study of Phoenix Mills. Mumbai: Lokshahi Hakk Sanghatana and Girangaon Bachao Andolan, April 2000; Naresh Fernandes and Rochelle Pinto, Murder of the Mills: An Enquiry into Bombay’s Cotton Textile Industry and its Workers. Mumbai: Lokshahi Hakk Sanghatana, 1996

7Darryl D’Monte and Priyanka Kakodkar, “Bombay: The Death of Great City”, Cover Story, Outlook, Volume XLII, Kentucky KY Ky. , No.4, 4 February 2002.

8 For instance, see the lecture by V. Ranganathan, Chief Secretary to the Government of Maharashtra, on “Prospects for Development of Mumbai as a Leading Services Centre”, delivered to the Maharashtra Economic Development Council, 5 February 2002,

9Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London and Tokyo, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991, pp.3-4


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While it did not merit an entry at the time of our compilation eight years ago, this journalist has rendered yeoman service to the lexicon, and deserves kudos for a new insight into financial regulation in India. "Swooping in" is a recognisable hybrid of "swinging into" and "swopping down" -- the two entries in our lexicon before "nab". Examples of this type of state behaviour are when the Government of India or one of its state or local arms "swings into action" after a crisis, and "swoops down upon" its unlawful subjects. Recent work on the anthropology of the state in India has also confirmed this swooping tendency. While without the vertical dynamics of "swooping down upon" or the proactive posture of "swinging into", "swooping in" is a fascinating description of the government's actions to protect shareholders, and may even denote a new posture by Indian regulators in the wake of the global financial crisis.

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In an interview today on Here and Now with Bob Baer, former CIA analyst for the Middle East, he just let drop the terrifying scenario of a jihadi mothership docking in Baltimore Harbor and launching commando attacks from a swarm of dinghies, Iowa IA , in imitation of the attacks in Mumbai two weeks ago. Not surprisingly, the film Syriana was adapted from Baer's intelligence memoirs.

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Throughout the western Indian Ocean coastline from its formal bases in Aden to Bombay, Jotta amoxicillin verkossa, the British assumed various roles in the development and governance of the vast maritime frontier in the Indian Ocean. As regional naval hegemon and guarantor of the security of coastal sultans and emirates such as in Bushire, Basra, Order amoxicillin online legally, Kuwait and Musqat, its commercial agents and native informants commanded political power (in this view, the British have occupied Basra on and off for more than 300 years). As its military and naval interests controlled regional traffic, it enacted traditional duties of protector of pilgrims for thousands of Hajis arrriving Mecca by boat (and increasingly by British steamships) from India or Southeast Asia, Nebraska NE Nebr. . Amoxicillin over the counter, The British were thus forced to act in novel scenarios as public health inspector, to control and quarantine the decades-long global plague outbreak which spread from China and India to Europe, Latin America and Europe.

Historians have compared the relations of "informal empire" between British India and these coastal states of the western Indian Ocean as similar to the indirect rule exercised in the colonial princely states. While Bombay and Aden were directly administered as colonial cities in British India, the network of coastal port cities in their vast hinterland from Gujarat to Yemen functioned as an informal sphere of influence for Indian, Kaufen amoxicillin, Arab and Persian merchants and traders who prospered by accepting British naval protection and commercial dominance in international trade in the Indian Ocean (which, in the memorable phrase, became a British pool).

These port cities harboured ships flying flags of convenience and carrying all kinds of local regional trade from the sultanates of Yemen and Muscat, across the mouth of the Persian Gulf to the Makran Coast and the Gulfs of Kutch and Cambay in India, billig kaufen amoxicillin. Today little remains of what what colonial port authorities referred to as the "coasting trade", except for fishing. However, fisherfolk are increasingly threatened by international trawlers which have fish on an industrial scale for export, destroying what remains of the livelihood base of coastal fishing communities, amoxicillin over the counter.

Syriana (warning, Amoxicillin online kopen, spoiler!) culminates with a pair of young Pakistani boys driving a high-speed dinghy with a warhead strapped on it at high speed into a massive tanker, just as the ribbon is cut on a new coastal refinery built by a Western oil company in a fictionalized Gulf emirate. The boys, migrant workers in a labor camp, are easily recruited to the attack, købe amoxicillin, in which they will also perish. The mothership here, an oil tanker, Ordering amoxicillin online, is not the source, but the target, of the suicide attack. Visions of motherships notwithstanding, most pirates and terrorists, it seems, prefer to travel in speed-boats and dinghies.

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Buy cheap amoxicillin online, The attacks on Mumbai have stirred memories of friends lost, and almost lost, to terrorism in South Asia. I will never forget the morning in 2002 that I strolled down to my paper-wala's newstand in Dadar and saw the horrific photo of Danny Pearl in a track suit with a gun to his head, on the front page of Mid-Day. I had just met Danny at a party a few days before he left for Karachi, Minnesota MN Minn. , where he was later kidnapped and killed. He and his wife Marianne were a beautiful couple and the toast of Mumbai's journo scene -- and the Wall Street Journal bureau in Mumbai remains the best foreign press outlet in the city. Buy amoxicillin no prescription, Marianne, a film-maker by training, worked with students at Wilson College produce a film on Bombay's historical Irani cafes called Aur Iraani Chai in 2001-2002 in the Neighbourhood Project. You can see the short film made with her inspiration and guidance on YouTube, buy cheap amoxicillin online. Their apartment in Malabar Hill was the scene of many wonderful evenings where Danny would play his violin and Marianne would dance into the night with journalists, kjøpe amoxicillin, writers and hangers-on of Bombay's dotcom boom years.

Several years later, Buy amoxicillin overnight delivery, I was in Mumbai on 11 July 2006 -- exactly one year before I got married -- when a series of bombs went off at rush hour in the packed trains of the Western Railway. I was, in fact, waiting for a train at Dadar Station, amoxicillin prescription, travelling in the other direction, to Victoria Terminus (site of the recent attacks by gunmen). Order amoxicillin online without prescription, I learned weeks later that A.G. Buy cheap amoxicillin online, Bapat, engineer and manager of the National Textile Corporation in Mumbai, was killed on one of the bombed trains travelling to his home in the suburb of Kandivali. Mr Bapat was a friendly public sector official in the bankrupt NTC, the government company formed by the takeover of half of Mumbai's failing inner-city textile mills in the seventies. NTC was one of the city's biggest land-holders, acheter amoxicillin discount, and behind their mammoth compound walls and factory gates lie the crumbling treasures of Mumbai's 19th century industrial architecture. I spent a year from 2002-2003 photographing several of these mills with the help of Mr Bapat, Ordering amoxicillin online cheap, who was eager to support a proposal we developed for an Industrial Museum in one of the closed mills. This never materialized, and many of Mumbai's grandest Victorian mills have been torn down in the past three years. See the photo albums in the collection Mills of Mumbai and the individual albums for Tata Mills, India United Mills no.1, Kohinoor Mills no.1-2, and the most remarkable, Elphinstone Mills, which was sold and demolished two years ago, buy cheap amoxicillin online. Thanks again, αγοράζουν online amoxicillin, Bapat Saheb, for all your help. Buy amoxicillin without prescription, Another friend and colleague whom I surely thought lost in a 2005 attack in Bangalore was the brilliant scientist and entrepreneur Dr Vijay Chandru. Chandru, as he is known to everyone, was one of the inventors of the Simputer, Um amoxicillin online, a visionary open source hand-held computer for agrarian and rural uses in India. He now manages Strand Genomics. His wife Uma and I worked together at the Srishti School Buy cheap amoxicillin online, in Bangalore, where I was a part-time consultant. Buy amoxicillin online cheap, Chandru was sprayed with automatic gunfire at close range in a daylight attack on the auditorium where he was attending a conference, across the street from the leafy canteen at the Indian Institute of Science, where I had lunch as I stayed nearby. Much like my beloved Cafe Leopold, New Jersey NJ N.J. , the Iraani cafe in Mumbai which was attacked by gunmen last week, the canteen and auditorium was open to the street. Buy amoxicillin c.o.d., Chandru's arms and torso were hit hard by an AK-47 shot from this street. I was not in Bangalore then, but learned on the news he had somehow survived the attack. Miraculously, Oregon OR Ore. , less than a year later, I sat across the table from him in the Stata Center here at MIT, where he spent an hour describing his surgery and recovery at Mass General Hospital, where he has come to be treated by a renowned surgeon, Jesse Jupiter. He had already regained control of his arms and was walking, and was working at MIT LIDS.

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